Indigenous Population

Angola's indigenous peoples, such as the San and Himba, face numerous obstacles despite the government's adoption of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The social and economic inclusion of the San, Himba, and other indigenous groups remains insufficient, and many of their fundamental human rights have not been guaranteed.

Angola endorsed the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples on September 13, 2007.

In 1976, the Angolan government ratified the Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention of 1957 (ILO 107), but the last information submitted to the ILO Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and Recommendations (CEACR) was in 2010.

The Angolan government does not recognize indigenous peoples under international law, and there are no specific references to them in the Constitution or other national laws. As a result, many essential human rights remain unrespected for Indigenous peoples in the country.

The indigenous peoples of Angola are composed of the San and Himba, as well as other groups that may be descended from the Khoe-San, including the Kwisi, the Kwepe, and those with similarities to the Himba, such as the Kuvale and the Zemba. In total, these groups number around 25,000 people, representing approximately 0.1 percent of Angola's estimated population of 25 million.

The San, Himba, and related indigenous groups are primarily located in the southern provinces of Huila, Cunene, Kuando Kubango, and Moxico. Although information on the languages ​​of the Khoe-San descendant groups is somewhat outdated, it has been determined that the language spoken by the Himba, Kuvale, and Zemba is Herero.

One of the main obstacles facing Indigenous Peoples in Angola is the economic crisis that has affected the country. In 2016, there was a decrease in funding for smaller non-governmental organizations that support these communities, resulting in the closure of some of them.

Another significant challenge is land expropriations. During 2016, several expropriations took place for tourism development, commercial logging, and other national projects, negatively impacting Indigenous settlements.

A group of 18 NGOs, acting as a human rights monitoring platform in Angola, submitted a request to the President, the National Assembly, and the Attorney General to denounce these expropriations.

The 2016 drought has also been a critical challenge for Indigenous Peoples in Angola, severely affecting rural communities in the south of the country.

Information on the problems faced by the Himba, Kuvale, and Zemba is limited, but relates to land tenure and access to services and natural resources, similar to what is happening in Namibia with these cross-border groups.

In recent years, Himba and Zemba communities have expressed discontent over the loss of territory, the problem of ancestral graves, the decline of their livelihoods, and the lack of compensation.

Furthermore, local organizations in Angola continue to highlight the social and economic exclusion of the San, the expropriation of their lands, and unequal labor and social relations with neighboring groups.

Overall, the San peoples appear to occupy a lower socioeconomic position compared to the non-San groups surrounding them.

In 2016, the Ministry of Assistance and Social Reintegration carried out a variety of projects focused on San communities, prioritizing agricultural training, as well as areas such as education, housing, and the development of public policies.

Several civil society organizations continue to provide support to Indigenous peoples in Angola. During 2016, multiple programs targeting San groups were implemented, including civil registration, agricultural training, and the promotion of cultural, social, and economic rights, in addition to workshops and meetings with local authorities and civil society networks.

The San have gained public recognition at the national level. In 2016, TPA broadcaster presented at least 13 short reports on government projects affecting San communities. Additionally, a TPA journalist published a short book about the San in Angola in 2015, although it is not available outside the country, even in an English version.

The Maori are the indigenous people of Aotearoa, known as New Zealand. Although this country has taken a symbolic step by adopting the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, reality shows that the fundamental rights of the Māori community still face significant challenges and barriers to full respect. Furthermore, New Zealand has yet to ratify International Labor Organization (ILO) Convention 169, a fundamental treaty with legal implications that specifically seeks to guarantee and protect the rights of indigenous and tribal peoples globally.

The Maori are a fundamental part of New Zealand's identity, representing approximately 15% of the country's 4.5 million inhabitants. Their cultural heritage, rich in traditions and symbols, has significantly shaped New Zealand's history. One of the key moments in this history was the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840, an agreement between the Maori nations (Iwi) and the British that promised to be the cornerstone of their future relations.

The treaty, however, was not without controversy from the outset. There are two main versions of the document: one in English and one in the Maori language. According to the Maori version, indigenous leaders agreed to grant the British the right to govern, while guaranteeing that the Maori would continue to exercise sovereignty over their lands, resources, and other prized assets, known as taonga. These promises appeared to be a safeguard for Māori cultural and territorial heritage.

However, the reality after the signing was more complex. The interpretation and application of the Treaty have been a source of dispute for decades. The Māori version of the document has limited legal weight, leaving this community vulnerable to political decisions that, in many cases, fail to prioritize their rights or fulfill the original promises. To a large extent, the protection of their heritage and status depends on political will and the special recognition granted to them in different legislative contexts.

Throughout history, Māori have fought to preserve their traditions, their languages, and their inherent relationship with the land. Their demands are not simply a reclaiming of the past, but also a search for justice and equity to continue building a future in which their place as the First People of Aotearoa (New Zealand) is respected. The validity and symbolism of the Treaty of Waitangi remain at the heart of this challenge, reminding us both of the commitments made and the work yet to be done to fully honor them.

The main challenges facing Māori reflect a deep and worrying disparity in various aspects of life in New Zealand. The gap in life expectancy between Māori and non-Māori is alarming, with an average of 7.3 years less for the former. Furthermore, their household income barely reaches 78% of the national average, limiting many economic and social opportunities.

In the educational field, the situation is also complex: nearly 45% of Māori fail to complete upper secondary school with a recognized qualification. This directly impacts their ability to access better-paying jobs and their integration into the labor market. Furthermore, figures related to the prison system are equally worrying, as more than half of the prison population is Māori.

These statistics reveal a persistent gap that goes beyond numbers, highlighting systemic inequalities that affect both the individual and social well-being of the Māori community. Addressing these challenges requires a joint commitment from authorities and society at large to build a more equitable future for all.

In 2016, Matike Mai Aotearoa, an independent iwi-led initiative focused on constitutional transformation, presented its report on the need for an inclusive constitution for Aotearoa. This report is based on an extensive series of meetings, presentations, and dialogues with the Māori community and incorporates an assessment of the core principles that could underpin a new constitution, such as community, belonging, and reconciliation.

The task force sets 2040 as a desirable target for some form of constitutional change in Aotearoa. Its suggestions include continuing discussions on constitutional reform, promoting a formal dialogue between Māori, the Crown, and local governments, and establishing an additional working group. It also suggests initiating discussions with the Crown by 2021 to organize a convention related to the Constitutional Transformation Treaty. To date, the government has not commented on the report.

During 2017, Māori and the Crown continued to seek to resolve Māori claims for historical Treaty violations. Three groups' mandates were recognized, five negotiation agreements were formalized with the Crown, six signed an agreement in principle, nine groups confirmed that their settlement documents were ready for submission and ratification by their members, one finalized an official agreement with the Crown, one signed a memorandum of understanding, four enacted legislation implementing their agreements, and three enacted legislation giving effect to those agreements.

In February 2017, with its landmark ruling in Wakatū v. Attorney General, the New Zealand High Court affirmed that the Crown has a responsibility to act fairly toward Māori traditional owners in order to safeguard their property rights. Progress in the recognition of the rights of Indigenous peoples in Aotearoa continues, evidenced by the groundbreaking Wakatū decision and the persistent effort to resolve historical Treaty grievances.

The Amazigh represent the indigenous peoples of Algeria, and their language, Tamazight, has been officially recognized in the country's Constitution. Although Algeria adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, the official status of the Amazigh is still not recognized by the Algerian government, which keeps this community vulnerable and facing various social and political challenges.

Algeria endorsed the Declaration on September 13, 2007, but its content remains virtually unknown to the majority of the Algerian population and remains without effective implementation. As a result, UN treaty monitoring bodies have intensified the issuance of additional observations and recommendations to urge the country to advance the protection of indigenous rights and the concrete implementation of the principles set forth in the document.

As the Algerian government does not recognize the indigenous status of the Amazigh, there are no official statistics on the number of Amazigh peoples. However, associations that defend and promote the Amazigh people estimate that the Tamazight-speaking population is around 11 million, or one-third of Algeria's total population.

The majority of Algeria's Amazigh people live in Kabylia, in the northeast of the country. The remainder live in the Aurès region in the east, the Chenwa region on the Mediterranean coast, the M'zab region in the south, and the Tuareg territory in the Sahara. Many small Amazigh communities also exist in Tlemcen and Bechar in the southwest, as well as in other locations scattered throughout the country.

In 2016, Algeria took a significant step toward recognizing its cultural diversity by adopting a new Constitution that included a historic advance for the Tamazight language. This language, spoken by the Amazigh people, was officially declared a national and official language in Article 4. However, Article 3 reaffirmed Arabic as the national and official language, which, according to numerous analysts, highlights a disparity between the consideration and positioning of the two languages ​​within the constitutional framework.

Despite these linguistic tensions, 2017 marked another milestone in the path of Amazigh reclaiming. During the last Council of Ministers meeting, the then Algerian Head of State made a key announcement: he urged the government to redouble efforts to standardize both the teaching and use of Tamazight, promoting its implementation in accordance with the spirit of the Constitution. He also expressed his commitment to accelerating work toward a bill for the creation of an Algerian Academy dedicated exclusively to the Amazigh language. This institution's mission would be to ensure the preservation, development, and promotion of a language steeped in history and tradition.

Despite the challenges of achieving complete equality among the country's official languages, these advances reflect a desire to connect with the Amazigh cultural identity and recognize its linguistic richness within the Algerian landscape. These steps open a window of hope for Tamazight to occupy a more prominent and equitable place, helping to preserve the deep roots of the Amazigh people in their homeland.

Amazigh peoples continue to suffer systematic marginalization by state institutions, while several legal provisions against them remain in force, perpetuating their vulnerability and exclusion.

Among the most serious challenges is the ongoing practice of arbitrary arrests in different regions of the country. In 2016, for example, nearly 140 Mozarab and Amazigh people from the M'zab region were arrested and imprisoned, most of them without a fair trial. In response to these illegal arrests and the inhumane conditions they faced while in detention, some Mozabite prisoners chose to launch repeated hunger strikes as a form of protest.

In the Kabylia region, cultural expressions and activities organized by Amazigh people, such as the celebrations of Yennayer, the Amazigh Year, and the Amazigh Spring, have been targeted for disruptions and bans. In many cases, police forces have intervened violently to prevent these events. Members of the World Amazigh Congress (WAC) residing in Kabylia have faced repeated arrests and interrogation sessions followed by their eventual release. During their time in police custody, these activists received threats of imprisonment and reprisals against their families if they persisted in their work defending Amazigh rights.

Furthermore, restrictions on free movement along Algeria's borders with northern Mali and Niger have greatly hampered traditional exchanges between indigenous communities. These limitations not only affect trade connections but also deprive Amazigh populations of maintaining essential ties with their families and wider communities.

In Argentina, 955,032 individuals identify themselves as Indigenous or as descendants of Indigenous peoples. Native communities face persecution of their leaders, as well as an increase in forced evictions. According to the most recent national census (2010), there are 955,032 people who identify themselves as members or descendants of Indigenous communities in Argentina. Thirty-five Indigenous peoples have been officially recognized as having specific constitutional rights at the federal level and in various provinces.

Argentina has expressed its support for the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and has ratified International Labor Organization Convention 169. Furthermore, it has reaffirmed its commitment to other treaties that guarantee universal human rights, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights.

In 2017, tensions and conflicts arising from the territorial claims of Indigenous communities intensified significantly. The Argentine State has demonstrated an inability to guarantee and respect the rights these communities have to their territories, and has even resorted to criminalizing those members who have fought to expose this neglect. In this context of confrontation, numerous episodes of violence have occurred, including tragic cases such as that of Santiago Maldonado, an Indigenous activist who lost his life in the midst of these disputes.

The root of the territorial conflict lies in the clash between the rights of Indigenous peoples and the economic interests linked to extractive activities on their ancestral lands. Although these territories are legally recognized, such interests are incompatible with the rights enshrined in Indigenous communities. This contradiction is exacerbated by its integration into the framework of a neo-developmentalist economic model, which promotes these extractive activities and positions itself as a fundamental axis of the national economy.

With the aim of reducing the rates of violence, platforms for intercultural dialogue were established in 2017. The National Roundtable for Peace and Intercultural Dialogue was established at the federal level, with the participation of representatives from various political groups, civil society organizations, and academics. The goal was to develop a political response to the tensions that would allow Argentina to renounce the use of violence in resolving territorial disputes and instead opt for peaceful solutions and consensus.

Several of the documents generated at this roundtable invite reflection on the way in which the Mapuche indigenous peoples are characterized as terrorist organizations.

The Aboriginal population in Australia is estimated at 745,000, representing 3% of the total population of 24,220,200. Australia recognizes its Indigenous peoples. However, the high suicide rates within the Indigenous community in Australia are a cause for great concern. Recognition of the status of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples as Australia's original communities has taken various forms, such as the recognition of Native Title and the landmark Mabo decision, as well as in legislation such as the Racial Discrimination Act of 1975, the Native Title Act of 1993, and the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission Acts of 1989 and 2005.

Other significant milestones include the Australian Declaration Towards Reconciliation and the Roadmap to Reconciliation of 2006, as well as the National Apology to the Stolen Generations of 2008. At the national level, there is a dedicated Ministry of Indigenous Affairs and, since 2015, a Deputy Minister for Indigenous Health and Care. In addition, states and territories have legislation relating to Indigenous rights.

Australia has not endorsed ILO Convention No. 169, and although it opposed the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007, it ratified the declaration in 2009.

Throughout history, Aboriginal peoples have been present throughout Australia. Today, the majority reside in regional areas (43%) or urban areas (32%), although a small number continue to live on their ancestral lands in remote or far-flung locations. Sixty-five percent of the Indigenous population is found outside of metropolitan areas in Australia.

During Australia's colonization in 1788, it was estimated that there were up to 1.5 million Indigenous people in the country. Today, the number of Aboriginal people is estimated at around 745,000, representing 3% of Australia's total population of 24,220,200.

Indigenous peoples are disproportionately represented in the Australian prison system, with a rate of 2,346 inmates per 100,000 Indigenous people, 13 times higher than that of the non-Indigenous population.

Their health status is extremely concerning. The gap in mortality rates remains 1.7 times higher for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples compared to the non-Indigenous population. The mortality rate for children aged 0–4 years is 1.9 times higher than that of non-Indigenous children. Furthermore, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians have higher incidences of chronic diseases, with a mortality rate from diabetes that is 12 times higher than that of non-Indigenous Australians.

Suicide has emerged as one of the leading causes of premature death among Indigenous peoples, being the fifth leading cause of mortality in this community in 2014. Indigenous children and young people are particularly vulnerable: those aged 15 to 24 are five times more likely to commit suicide than their non-Indigenous counterparts, and 30% of youth suicides nationally are Aboriginal. Furthermore, Aboriginal children account for 80% of suicides among children aged 12 and under.

The sovereignty of Indigenous Australians over their lands and waters is not recognized by the Constitution. This year's Uluru Statement from the Heart, which calls for the inclusion of an Indigenous voice in the Constitution alongside the treaty debate, represents a step toward recognizing and promoting Indigenous rights.

There is a discrepancy at the policy level between Aboriginal aspirations and what the government and water authorities are willing to consider. Calls to recognize Indigenous peoples' rights to own and manage freshwater often face resistance, arguing that "water is a shared public resource and should be available to all." However, such objections fail to recognize that the extraction and commercialization of freshwater have already turned this resource into a commercial commodity. One way to establish a space for Indigenous water rights would be to allocate water licenses from existing Native Title areas, which are largely focused on cultural activities.

Indigenous peoples have long advocated for better political representation and fairer consultation.

The recently elected Parliament includes five Indigenous MPs: three senators, Patrick (Pat) Dodson, Jacqui Lambie, and Malarndirri McCarthy; and two members of the House of Representatives, Ken Wyatt and Linda Burney.

Ken Wyatt became the first Indigenous MP elected in 2010 and, since 2015, has been the Coalition's Assistant Minister for Indigenous Health and Aged Care. Linda Burney is the first Indigenous woman to hold a seat in the federal House of Representatives and is the Australian Labor Party's Shadow Minister for Human Services. At the state level, there are currently 11 Indigenous state MPs (7 men and 4 women).

The San, Balala, Nama, and their subgroups are the indigenous groups of Botswana. Although Botswana voted for and adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, the government does not recognize the country's indigenous peoples, who are among the most vulnerable sectors of the nation, with a significant proportion of the population living below the poverty line.

Botswana is a signatory to the Conventions seeking to eliminate all forms of discrimination against women (CEDAW), as well as those addressing the rights of the child (CRC) and the elimination of all forms of racial discrimination (CERD).

However, Botswana has not ratified ILO Convention 169, which is the international legal framework specifically addressing the rights of indigenous and tribal communities. Likewise, there is no specific legislation that addresses the rights of indigenous peoples in the country, and the term "indigenous peoples" is not included in Botswana's constitution.

Although the Botswana government does not recognize any ethnic group as indigenous in the country, 2.9% of the population identifies as belonging to indigenous groups. These groups live primarily in the Kalahari Desert region of Botswana, including the San (also referred to as Basarwa), who number approximately 64,000, the Balala, who number around 1,750, and the Nama, who number approximately 2,200.

While the Nama are a Khoekhoe-speaking people, the San belong to a large number of subgroups, most of which have their own languages. These include Ju'hoansi, Bugakhwe, Khwe-ǁAni, Ts'ixa, ǂX'ao-ǁ'aen, and the San. Xóõ, ǂHoan, ‡ Khomani, Naro, G/ui, G//ana, Tsasi, Deti, Shua, Tshwa, Danisi and /

Indigenous peoples in Botswana face significant challenges in conserving their territory. Those living in protected areas live under constant concern of being displaced by the central government or district councils.

Another issue affecting the indigenous peoples of Botswana is the drought. Despite President Khama declaring a national emergency due to this situation, which has allowed for the implementation of food distribution and paid work programs in various regions of the country, no food or pensions have been received in the villages of the Central Kalahari Game Reserve or in the Ranyane community.

Fracking is practiced by oil and mining companies in a region known as the Nama Basin, located in the Kgalagadi District. Residents of the San and Bakgalagadi communities have expressed concern that fracking has caused a decline in groundwater levels, limited access to drinking water in the village, and increased the presence of toxic chemicals and salts in the water, rendering it virtually unfit for consumption.

Discussions over hunting policies and anti-poaching in Botswana are escalating, while the Ministry of Environment, Wildlife, and Tourism defends controversial policies aimed at addressing threats to Botswana's wildlife. The San have been demanding a clearer explanation from the government regarding its wildlife policies, as well as compensation for the loss of crops, livestock, and human lives caused by wild animals.

In August 2016, a cultural festival showcasing the Nama heritage took place in the Kgalagadi District, alongside the Kuru dance festival in Dqae Qare. This Kuru Dance Festival united various groups, including the San, Bakgalagadi, Mbukushu, Herero, Tswana, and numerous other communities from across the nation, serving as a manifestation of cultural pride for these populations.

Additionally, some members of the San community took part in the celebrations commemorating Botswana's 50th independence, held in Gaborone in September 2016.

In 2016, San organizations and various NGOs in Botswana faced challenges, primarily due to insufficient funding. Despite these difficulties, the San Youth Network (SYNet) persisted in publishing articles authored by youth that focused on issues such as women's rights, children's rights, and climate change on its platforms.

Bangladesh is home to more than 54 indigenous ethnic groups who use at least 35 different languages, in addition to the predominant Bengali language. The country has not ratified the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, resulting in continued disregard for the economic and political rights of these communities.

The Bangladeshi government does not recognize indigenous groups as such. However, the 2011 constitutional amendment refers to peoples with diverse ethnic identities distinct from the Bengali majority. Despite this mention, only cultural aspects are addressed, while issues concerning the economic and political rights of indigenous peoples, especially regarding their land rights, remain unaddressed.

According to the 2011 census conducted by the Bangladeshi authorities, the indigenous population is estimated at approximately 1,586,141 individuals, representing 1.8% of the country's total population. However, indigenous groups maintain that their actual number is closer to 5 million.

About 80% of the indigenous community resides in the northern and southeastern plains of the country, while the remainder is found in the Chittagong Hills. In the latter region, the indigenous people are commonly called Jumma in reference to their practice of shifting cultivation, known locally as Jum.

In addition to Bengali, the official language, the indigenous peoples of Bangladesh communicate in at least 35 languages. Initiatives have been implemented to incorporate educators from indigenous communities and written materials in their languages ​​into preschool education, and the government has provided children's books in five indigenous languages: Chakma, Garo, Kokborok, Marma, and Sadri.

However, the government has not yet made progress in training a sufficient number of trained teachers proficient in these languages, nor has it developed a plan for the education of these languages ​​beyond the preschool level.

The land claims of indigenous peoples in Bangladesh remain a matter of concern and a decisive factor in the country's serious human rights violations. Organizations representing these peoples have expressed their discontent with the increase in human rights abuses and demand the protection, promotion, and respect of their fundamental rights.

Although the 1997 Chittagong Hill Tracts Agreement provided a constructive basis between indigenous peoples and the Government of Bangladesh, after a lapse of 19 years, the Agreement's core problems remain unresolved. Indigenous peoples still face obstacles in areas such as the restoration of powers and functions to institutions related to the Chittagong Hill Tracts, the preservation of the distinctive features of the region's tribal area, demilitarization, and the reintegration of displaced persons.

The status of indigenous women remains a matter of great concern. Sexual and physical violence have become a common method of attack against indigenous women and girls, while those suspected of such acts have not been brought to justice. In 2016, Bangladesh was assessed under the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). The concluding observations emphasize that the government must "effectively investigate all allegations of gender-based violence against indigenous women linked to land grabbing and take steps to bring those responsible to justice." In 2017, at least 56 indigenous women and girls suffered sexual and physical assaults.

The Chittagong Hill Tracts Land Dispute Settlement Commission Act of 2001 was amended in August 2016. This amendment is expected to facilitate effective resolution of land-related conflicts and the recovery of properties seized from Indigenous peoples.

The Government of Bangladesh has implemented several initiatives to fulfill its duty to ensure primary education for Indigenous children, including the 2017 measure to nationalize 210 primary schools in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. The Ministry of Primary and Mass Education developed pre-primary education textbooks in five Indigenous languages ​​and distributed approximately 25,000 copies.

However, Indigenous community activists have pointed out the lack of qualified, competent, and trained teachers in Indigenous languages. Likewise, children in many isolated indigenous communities are still unable to exercise their right to education due to the lack of educational facilities in their regions.

The Arab Bedouins residing in Israel come from the Negev Desert (known as Naqab in Arabic), where they have existed as a semi-nomadic people for centuries, predating the founding of the State of Israel in 1948. This Bedouin community is an essential part of the Palestinian Arab minority and, at the same time, citizens of the State of Israel. They practice a mixed economy that combines pastoralism with agriculture and live in villages interconnected through kinship ties (tribes), which has greatly influenced land tenure.

Between the 1950s and 1969, the Israeli government relocated the Bedouins to a restricted area known as "al-Siyāj," which was under military rule and represented only approximately 10 percent of their ancestral territory. Currently, nearly 300,000 Israeli Bedouin reside in the Naqab, distributed across three types of settlements: government-developed townships, recognized villages, and villages that are not officially recognized.

There are 35 unrecognized Bedouin villages in the Naqab, which Israel classifies as "dispersed" or "illegal" villages, and their inhabitants are labeled "trespassers" on state lands and considered "criminals." The majority of the Bedouin population has lost their land, which Israel declared Mawat (agricultural territories considered "dead" or uncultivated) and claimed as belonging to the state.

Since the early 1970s, the Israeli government has carried out an urbanization process without community consent or participation. According to official records, 72.9 percent of Bedouin in the Naqab live below the poverty line. However, these national poverty statistics do not include residents of unrecognized villages.

In addition to the seven municipalities, since 1999, the government has recognized the existence of 11 Bedouin villages. In June 2021, a coalition agreement included recognition of the unrecognized Bedouin villages of Khašim Zannih, Rakhamah, and ̕Abdihen during the first 90 days of the government. However, the requirement that at least 70 percent of Bedouin residents consent to abandon their lands before the recognition process is completed poses serious obstacles.

Twenty years later, there are no significant differences between these villages and those that are unrecognized. The remaining 28 percent of the Bedouin population (approximately 100,000 individuals) live in unrecognized villages that do not appear on any official map. Furthermore, many of these villages lack basic health, education, and infrastructure services. Its inhabitants have no access to local government institutions and are only represented in the Regional Council of Unrecognized Villages (RCUV).

The Peul and Tuareg represent the main indigenous groups in Burkina Faso, although they unfortunately lack official state recognition. Despite the country's endorsement of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples on September 13, 2007, its Constitution omits any explicit recognition of these peoples.

In theory, the Constitution guarantees access to education and healthcare for the entire population. However, the reality is more complicated for nomadic communities, who face significant obstacles due to insufficient resources and inadequate infrastructure. As a result, the effective exercise of these essential rights is significantly limited in these regions.

Burkina Faso is a cultural melting pot home to more than 60 different ethnic groups, according to data from the 2006 census, with an estimated population of 14,017,262. Among these communities, two groups stand out as having profoundly shaped the country's identity: the Peul and the Tuareg. These populations, with their unique traditions and ways of life, offer a fascinating glimpse into the cultural fabric of the territory.

The Peul, also known as Fulbe or under other traditional names such as Duroobe and Egga Hoaaae, identify primarily as nomadic pastoralists. Alongside them are the Tuareg, another key group whose history and culture have left a significant mark on the regions they inhabit. Although they can be found in various areas of the country, the greatest concentration of these communities is in the north, in the provinces of Séno, Soum, Baraboulé, Djibo, Liptaako, Yagha, and Oudalan. These areas are often geographically isolated, with arid soils and limited access to economic resources.

A notable characteristic of the Peul is their nomadic lifestyle, anchored in nature and deeply connected to livestock. They follow seasonal migratory patterns that take them hundreds of kilometers, crossing into neighboring countries such as Togo, Benin, and Ghana. Unlike other populations in Burkina Faso, the nomadic Peul show a firm refusal to engage in activities unrelated to their livestock traditions. For them, the survival of their livestock is the central axis of their existence and defines every aspect of their culture and community.

These indigenous peoples represent a living model of resilience in the midst of challenging environments. Their ancient traditions and nomadic way of life demonstrate how they have managed to adapt and remain true to their identity in the face of adversity. Learning about their history not only offers a window into the past, but also an inspiring look at ways of life that prioritize connection with nature and ancestral culture.

The challenges facing the nomadic pastoralists of the Peul community continue to be an alarming and complex issue in the social, economic, and political spheres. Their culture, deeply rooted in pastoral traditions and a nomadic lifestyle, has been consistently marginalized, suffering from structural discrimination that excludes them from many opportunities and violates their fundamental rights. This situation persists not only in Burkina Faso, but also in other countries where they have historically lived and carried out their pastoral activities.

One of the most serious problems facing this community is forced displacement, a reality that exposes them to extreme vulnerability. Their personal and collective security is compromised due to various circumstances, including the recurring theft of livestock, which not only represents significant material losses but also a direct blow to their livelihoods and cultural identity. This phenomenon has increased insecurity and has led, in recent years, to the emergence of local initiatives such as the self-defense groups known as Koglweogo. These groups have taken a leading role in finding solutions to protect the interests of nomadic pastoralists, offering community support in the fight against the constant attacks and looting that threaten their way of life.

Despite these local measures, the situation remains critical. Challenges related to their security, the recognition of their rights, and their integration into national policies require urgent attention from the highest levels of governance and international cooperation. Without broad and sustained commitment, the Peul will continue to navigate a reality marked by uncertainties and vulnerabilities at the heart of their ancestral traditions.

The advancement of pastoralist participation within the context of indigenous nomadic communities in Burkina Faso has led to the emergence of a leadership group known as Rugga. This collective, composed of prominent figures in the pastoralist field, represents an organizational structure that seeks to strengthen the cohesion and autonomy of these communities through internal leadership and collaboration toward shared goals. In October 2016, approximately 40 Rugga members met at a Congress in Ouagadougou, the capital of Burkina Faso, demonstrating a growing interest in formalizing such gatherings and strengthening their presence in the country.

The Rugga group's vision revolves around the establishment of pastoral societies characterized by peace and sustainability, creating spaces for internal specialists to play a leading role in finding solutions to the challenges inherent to the nomadic lifestyle. This initiative is not limited solely to Burkina Faso, as its presence also extends to other West African countries such as Niger, where it has established itself as a distinctly indigenous movement deeply connected to the challenges facing pastoralist communities. In essence, Rugga positions itself as an example of a community organization focused on revitalizing traditional practices while addressing contemporary issues from an inclusive and culturally grounded perspective.

In Brazil, there are 896,917 indigenous people, distributed among 305 different ethnic groups. The most significant ethnic group is the Tikúna, representing 6.8% of the total indigenous population. It is estimated that there are approximately 274 different languages. Of indigenous people over the age of five, only 37.4% communicate in indigenous languages, while 76.9% use Portuguese.

A total of 502,783 members of the entire indigenous population in Brazil reside in rural areas, while 315,180 live in urban areas. Currently, there are 713 indigenous territories covering a total of 117,387,341 hectares. This represents 13.8% of the national territory dedicated to indigenous communities. Most of these lands are located in the Amazon region.

Brazil is the South American country with the largest number of isolated Indigenous peoples, located in the states of Amapá, Acre, Amazonas, Goiás, Maranhão, Mato Grosso, Pará, Rondônia, Roraima, and Tocantins. Currently, there are 107 reports of the existence of isolated Indigenous peoples in the Amazon region.

New presidential elections were held in October 2018, and on January 1, 2019, Jair Bolsonaro, a former Brazilian army captain and candidate backed by the Evangelical bloc, assumed the presidency.

Along with the Evangelical bloc, which has been dubbed the BBB bloc (Bullet, Ox, and Bible), Bolsonaro and his government represent a threat to the advancement of the constitutional rights of Indigenous peoples in Brazil. The Agricultural Parliamentary Front, which constitutes the majority of Congress, defends the interests of the country's corporations and landowners, a sector that generates US$118 million in agricultural and livestock production.

The greatest threat facing Indigenous communities is the possibility of unconstitutionally revoking previously established demarcations of Indigenous lands. The government has warned that at any time the reports, resolutions, and approvals of Indigenous lands issued during Dilma Rousseff's administration could be re-evaluated and even annulled. This opens the door to the economic exploitation of Indigenous peoples' traditional lands and quilombola activities, accusing them of being the greatest impediments to national development.

In addition to questioning already recognized rights, the National Indian Foundation (FUNAI), the federal institution in charge of demarcating Indigenous lands, is being deactivated, as the budget approved in 2018 is insufficient to guarantee the minimum operational capacity necessary to carry out its functions. On the first day of his administration, January 1, the Jair Bolsonaro government issued a decree transferring responsibility for certifying the protection of Indigenous territories to the Ministry of Agriculture, which favors business interests seeking access to these lands.

In addition to facing slow progress in respect for their rights, Indigenous communities are being subjected to systematic and violent attacks by the Democratic Union of Ruralists (UDR) and by multinational companies that have received permits for mining or logging.

In Mato Grosso do Sul, to prevent the Guaraní-Kaiowá from recovering a small portion of their ancestral territory, a group of landowners acted as militias, intensifying the lethal impact of extrajudicial evictions. Recent hydroelectric megaprojects have been the subject of numerous litigation before the Court due to their negative effects on Indigenous communities.

Bolivia recognizes the existence of 36 indigenous peoples, among whom the Quechua and Aymara are predominant in the western Andes. With the implementation of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and the adoption of a new Constitution, the country officially became a Plurinational State. According to the 2012 National Census, approximately 2.8 million people over the age of 15, equivalent to 41% of the population, identify as part of an indigenous community.

In the eastern regions of the Lowlands, the Chiquitano, Guaraní, and Moxeño peoples stand out among the 34 indigenous groups that inhabit this part of Bolivia.

Indigenous communities in Bolivia face a series of threats that jeopardize their way of life, culture, and territorial rights. Among the most significant challenges are seismic exploration activities carried out with the aim of identifying new oil and gas deposits. These explorations not only alter the ecological balance of their lands but also directly affect the coexistence and well-being of the Indigenous and peasant communities who have inhabited these territories for generations. 

Furthermore, plans to build hydroelectric projects represent another critical concern, given that they entail the forced displacement of communities, the loss of biodiversity, and the irreversible transformation of ecosystems that are fundamental to their traditional forms of subsistence and cultural identity. Faced with these circumstances, the struggle to protect their rights and guarantee respect for their self-determination has become an urgent priority for the country's Indigenous communities.o.

November 20, 2016, marked a significant milestone with the holding of referendums for the approval of autonomy statutes in regions of the Andean region and the Chaco. In the Andes, the Uru and Chipaya communities, located in the high plateau of the Oruro department, supported their Autonomous Charter with a resounding 77.4% of favorable votes. This progress provided them with a legal framework to establish an Indigenous government capable of replacing traditional municipal administration. Subsequently, in January 2017, another historic step was taken with the assumption of the first autonomous Indigenous government in the province of Charagua.

In Burundi, there are 78,071 Indigenous peoples, representing approximately 1% of the country's total population, according to the most recent census conducted in 2008. In 2007, Burundi chose not to vote on the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, although it did vote in favor of and ratify the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the Convention on Biological Diversity. However, Indigenous communities in Burundi continue to face significant challenges.

The Batwa represent one of Burundi's oldest and most emblematic indigenous groups, playing an important role in the country's history and cultural diversity. According to a 2008 census conducted by the non-governmental organization Uniproba, whose name means "Let's unite for the promotion of the Batwa," their population was estimated at approximately 78,071, equivalent to 1% of Burundi's total population at the time. The other predominant ethnic groups in the country are Hutu and Tutsi, who constitute the majority of the population.

Despite being a minority community, the Batwa are distributed throughout all of Burundi's provinces, forming a widespread and significant presence throughout the country. Linguistically, this indigenous group shares the national language, Kirundi, as their primary means of communication. However, they speak this language with a distinctive accent that distinguishes them from Hutus and Tutsis, creating a distinctive feature that reflects their unique cultural identity within the context of the nation.

Burundi is among the five most impoverished countries on the planet, with nearly 65% ​​of its population living below the poverty line. The food insecurity situation is worrying, as more than half of the children are physically undeveloped, and access to drinking water and sanitation is extremely poor. Furthermore, the country faces multiple challenges that it must overcome to reduce its poverty, such as a weakened rural economy, rapid population growth, and a significant dependence on development assistance, among other factors.

In this context, the Batwa are considered the most vulnerable group within Burundian society. They are frequently excluded from public policies due to their lack of national identity documents, which prevents them from being recognized as Burundian citizens. In January 2018, the organization "Espoir pour les Jeunes Batwa" launched a project aimed at distributing identity cards in Kayanza province. This initiative was supported by the United States Embassy in Burundi. However, the governor of Kayanza decided to halt the project, stating that he was not "informed about the US ambassador's participation."

At the governmental level, a constitutional reform process began in Burundi in 2013. During that year, Batwa representatives in parliament actively participated in the debate on several reforms, seeking to ensure that their right to participate in national politics was respected, especially since this right is guaranteed by the new Constitution and the Electoral Code. Despite these efforts, the President of Burundi submitted amendments to the National Assembly and the Senate without considering the concerns expressed by Batwa parliamentarians.

Another problem facing the Batwa community is the right to land ownership, as there are marked inequalities in their access to land. One of the issues that complicates this situation is that Burundi is one of the most densely populated nations in Africa; Furthermore, much of the land traditionally belonging to the Batwa has been converted into national parks and nature reserves.

The Batwa are no longer able to subsist through hunting and gathering, and have therefore begun to reclaim land where they can live and farm. However, a 2008 study revealed that 14.7% of the Batwa were landless. This discrimination continues today. For example, in July 2017, following the implementation of new regulations on the use of mines and quarries, the Batwa also found their access to clay, a fundamental resource for their production of artisanal ceramics, restricted.

Cambodia is home to 24 Indigenous peoples, most of whom communicate in Monhmer or Austronesian languages. They represent between 2 and 3% of the total population, or nearly 400,000 people. The territories inhabited by these communities mainly comprise the forested plateaus and highlands located in the northeast of the country, which is equivalent to approximately 25% of its territory.

Although Indigenous peoples are not specifically listed in the national census, various reports corroborate that these communities continue to face significant challenges such as discrimination and forced dispossession of their lands. These practices threaten their existence as distinct cultural groups. The causes behind these problems lie primarily in the activities of state-owned and transnational corporations engaged in the exploitation and processing of natural resources, such as timber, minerals, hydroelectric power, and agribusiness, accompanied by increased migration from other regions of Cambodia.

Cambodia took a significant step in 2007 by adopting the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples without reservations. It has also ratified key international agreements such as the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD), the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). However, the country has yet to adopt International Labor Organization (ILO) Convention 169, which is critical to guaranteeing the rights of Indigenous peoples.

During its most recent Universal Periodic Review (UPR) in 2013, Cambodia accepted a specific recommendation urging the country to intensify efforts to address illegal land evictions affecting Indigenous communities and to consider strengthening its legislative framework, aligning it with international standards. However, despite this formal acceptance, the subsequent years have shown no real progress. In 2017, Indigenous communities still faced serious problems such as discrimination and worrying land insecurity, situations that have remained unresolved.

This lack of progress highlights the gap between political commitment and the practical actions needed to improve the quality of life of Indigenous peoples and ensure the effective protection of their fundamental rights.

An indigenous rights movement that emerged in the late 1990s continued to evolve until 2017; however, with recent government crackdowns on political parties, non-governmental organizations, media outlets, and other groups deemed "opposed" to the current Cambodian People's Party (CPP), the foundations of the indigenous rights movement have become more vulnerable.

In Cameroon, hunter-gatherers and the Mbororo constitute the largest groups of indigenous peoples. Cameroon voted in favor of and adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007, but has not yet ratified ILO Convention 169.

The Constitution of the Republic of Cameroon uses the terms "indigenous" and "minorities" in its preamble. However, it is unclear to whom this refers. However, with the evolution of international law, civil society and the government increasingly use the term "indigenous" to refer to indigenous peoples in Cameroon.

0.4% of the Cameronian population is made up of hunter-gatherers known as the Bagyeli or Bakola, numbering approximately 4,000 individuals; the Baka, whose number is around 40,000; and the Bedzan, whose number is around 300. The Baka reside in the eastern and southern regions of Cameroon. The Bakola and Bagyeli inhabit an area of ​​approximately 12,000 square kilometers in the southern part of the country, while the Bedzang are located in the central region.

The estimated population of the Mbororo, who live in Cameroon, exceeds one million people, equivalent to approximately 12% of the total population. The Mbororo are mostly concentrated in the border areas with Nigeria, Chad, and the Central African Republic. In Cameroon, there are three distinct groups of Mbororo: the Wodaabe, the Jafun, and the Galegi, commonly known as the Aku. The Kirdi communities are located in the mountains of the Mandara Range in northern Cameroon.

Through their respective entities, Indigenous communities participated in the activities of CISPAV ​​(Committee for Monitoring Programs and Projects Involving Vulnerable Indigenous Populations). This committee was established by the Ministry of Social Affairs, and its purposes include identifying and centralizing needs for the socioeconomic inclusion of Indigenous communities, as well as assessing the human, technical, and financial resources necessary and available for the implementation of major development initiatives benefiting Indigenous peoples. This includes coordinating and monitoring all programs within various sectoral administrative agencies, NGOs, and CSOs that benefit Indigenous communities, as well as formulating proposals to optimize all actions that can benefit these peoples.

In 2017, all the legislation reviewed during that period, such as the laws on forest resources and wildlife, land ownership regulations, and the pastoral code—to which Indigenous communities and civil society made significant contributions—still awaited approval.

In 2018, with the establishment of the Indigenous Peoples Platform and the REDD+ process, Indigenous communities will be able to strengthen their position and increase their negotiating capacity in this process, in order to secure benefits for their communities.

Indigenous groups in Canada are commonly referred to as Aboriginal peoples. The country recognizes three categories of Aboriginal peoples: Indians, Inuit, and Métis. Aboriginal peoples in Canada face challenges related to the slow implementation of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, as well as child welfare and violence affecting Indigenous women and girls.

In 2010, the Government of Canada expressed its support for the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, adopted by the UN General Assembly in 2007. This choice marked a shift from the country's previous opposition to the Declaration, on which Canada collaborated with Australia, the United States, and New Zealand. All have since modified their stance on the Declaration.

The Canadian government has highlighted four core principles that guide its interactions with Indigenous peoples. These include recognition of rights, respect, collaboration, and partnership. Unfortunately, these principles appear to be accompanied by little concrete action beyond political rhetoric. Additionally, Canada has not ratified ILO Convention 169.

The 1982 Canadian Constitution recognizes and reaffirms existing Aboriginal treaties of Indigenous peoples. Furthermore, the Supreme Court of Canada has called for reconciliation between "pre-existing Aboriginal sovereignty and the purported sovereignty of the Crown."

According to the 2011 census, there were 1,400,685 individuals in Canada who identified as Indigenous, equivalent to 4.3% of the total Canadian population. A total of 851,560 people identified themselves as First Nations, representing 60.8% of the total Indigenous population and 2.6% of Canada's total population.

First Nations, referred to as Indians within the Constitution and generally documented under Canada's Indigenous Peoples Act, constitute a diverse group, encompassing more than 600 First Nations and over 60 languages. Approximately 55% of this population lives on reserves, while 45% live in urban, rural, limited-access, and remote off-reserve settings. On the other hand, the Métis form a unique Indigenous nation, with a population of 451,795 in 2011, many of whom reside in urban areas, primarily in Western Canada.

Indigenous communities, along with their partners, face slow progress in the effective implementation of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Despite federal government support, implementation remains complex for the state. Reasons for this difficulty include influence from the business sector and internal disagreements within the government over how implementation should progress.

Another challenge relates to child welfare. The Canadian Human Rights Tribunal (CHRT) found that the First Nations Child and Family Services Program (FNCFS), administered by the Government of Canada through the Department of Indian and Northern Affairs (INAC), has denied child welfare services to a significant number of children and families residing on reserves. Despite accepting the ruling and committing to action, the Canadian government has failed to follow through on that promise.

It is important to mention that Canada has appeared before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), part of the Organization of American States (OAS), regarding violence against Indigenous women and girls, as well as the continued discrimination against Indigenous children in accessing services on First Nations reserves.

After years of demands both nationally and internationally, Canada launched a national inquiry into Indigenous women and girls who have been murdered or disappeared in 2016. The objective of the inquiry is to recommend actions that eliminate the systemic causes of violence and promote the safety of Indigenous women and girls.

The suggestions will be presented to the government in a preliminary report by November 1, 2017, and in a final report by November 1, 2018. Indigenous communities and political organizations have welcomed the inquiry with interest, although they have also expressed concern about its slow start and lack of transparency.

In February, the Prime Minister announced the formation of a working group of ministers to review and decolonize all federal legislation, policies, and operational practices, ensuring they are aligned with the UN Declaration. This work must be carried out in consultation with Indigenous peoples. While the working group has initiated meetings and purportedly worked on this essential task, participation by Indigenous community representatives and other experts has been woefully limited.

At the end of 2016, the Prime Minister unveiled new cooperation arrangements between the federal government and the three national entities representing Indigenous peoples: the Assembly of First Nations, Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami, and the Métis Nation. This establishment of a formal relationship between the federal government and Indigenous peoples undoubtedly represents a step toward improving relations and promoting more collaborative work together.

Chad is one of the six countries that make up the Central African Economic and Monetary Community (CEMAC). Its population is estimated at 14 million, residing in an area covering 1,284,000 km2. The national territory is classified into three main ecosystems: desert in the north, savanna in the center, and forest in the south.

In Chad, there are two groups recognized as indigenous: the Mbororo subgroup of the Fulani and the Toubou. The Mbororo Fulani are mostly dedicated to pastoralism and subsistence farming. According to the 1993 census, their number is estimated at 250,000 and they are located in the arid center and the southern tropical zone, where they find pastures for their livestock. They are estimated to constitute around 10% of Chad's total population. A large number of Fulani have migrated to neighboring countries, such as Cameroon, the Central African Republic, and Niger. They are identifiable by their lifestyle, culture, language, and the forms of discrimination they face. Generally, the Fulani live in poverty, most are illiterate, and lack political representation at the national level.

The Toubous are considered one of the oldest groups residing in the Sahara. Their origins are still unknown, and they have always been an enigma to society at large. These nomads, who are warriors and herders, are feared by neighboring peoples, and their reputation is due to their renowned ability to adapt and survive in the harsh desert environment of the Tibesti Mountains. They are dedicated to raising camels and cattle, living mainly in northern Chad, although small communities also settle in Niger, Libya, and Egypt.

Chad was not present during the vote on the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) at the General Assembly.

The Fulani constitute a large group that inhabits the entire Sahel region, covering a large part of West and Central Africa. This group can be divided into various subcategories, among which the Mbororo stand out, currently residing in five countries: Chad, Niger, Nigeria, Cameroon, and the Central African Republic. In Chad, they are present in multiple communities, such as the Wodaabé, Dya-Dyaé, Bibbé Woila, and Fukarabé, among others, and are frequently identified as "Fulbé Laddé." 

When they adopt a nomadic lifestyle, their communities engage in cross-border migration, adapting to seasonal changes to find water and pasture for their livestock. Most of them are dedicated to animal husbandry; some of these communities are completely nomadic, while others are semi-nomadic and engage in subsistence farming. The latter are generally nomads whose herds have been depleted by land grabbing, the closure of migration routes, and the effects of climate change.

The Chadian government does not officially recognize the Mbororo within its legal framework. Despite this lack of formal recognition, the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples establishes that recognition can be achieved through self-identification: a group must identify as indigenous and meet all the requirements outlined in the Report of the African Commission's Working Group of Experts on Indigenous Populations/Communities.

In 2014, the International Forum of Indigenous Peoples of Central Africa (IFIPAC) was held in Impfondo, Republic of the Congo. The Forum was opened by President Idriss Deby Itno of Chad, along with Denis Sassou Nguesso, President of the Republic of the Congo, and Boni Yayi, Head of State of Benin. This meeting also led to a conference of ministers from Central Africa, which concluded with the establishment of a structure for indigenous peoples in that subregion. 

Although the recognition of indigenous peoples remains a challenge in Chad, their cause is increasingly understood and valued. At the same time, the living conditions and existence of these communities are increasingly at risk due to environmental phenomena and climate change, which increases their vulnerability and leaves their fundamental rights without adequate recognition and implementation.

Due to the lack of legal definitions regarding land use, numerous unresolved conflicts persist in this area. The territorial concerns of nomadic groups are governed by Law 004 of 1959, which was enacted in the context of colonization and addresses "pastoral territories." This legal framework was revised through a Pastoral Code in 2014, although some sections were approved and others rejected by Parliament and the Government. The absence of a clear legal framework negatively affects not only the Fulani community in Chad, but also nomadic communities as a whole.

The closure of migration routes, the privatization of water resources, and land grabbing continue to be significant barriers limiting Indigenous communities' access to their territory and essential natural resources.

In 2010, the Fulani Indigenous Women's Association of Chad (AFPAT) participated in an analysis conducted by the Ministry of Education and Livestock Breeding regarding the education of nomadic children living in isolated conditions and remote areas. This resulted in the founding of a Department of Education for Nomadic Children (DNCE) in 2012. However, despite theoretical progress, the actual impact on indigenous communities has been minimal. 

The few schools that exist and serve these indigenous groups are typically of charitable origin and independent of the government. The Fulani Indigenous Women's Association of Chad has conducted workshops with these communities and reports that the lack of resources allocated to the Department of Education for Nomadic Children has led to a lack of satisfactory results. In 2018, average school enrollment rates remained extremely low, at less than 1% for boys and almost zero for girls.

In 2014, the Fulani Indigenous Women's Association of Chad engaged in a study on nomadic health care, which culminated in the establishment of a Health Program for Nomadic Communities, representing a significant advance. However, four years later, there are no health centers available in any of the migration corridors or in many indigenous villages. 

These groups remain without access to essential medical care. Mortality rates are particularly high among women, children, and the elderly due to childbirth and various preventable diseases. The lack of facilities forces people to travel long distances to access health centers, where they face discrimination, such as being considered dirty and poor.

In 2018, entire nomadic communities lacked birth certificates. Often, there are only a handful of men with ID cards in any given settlement or village, usually because they are required to travel for the cattle trade. Despite the lack of documentation, most community members have voter ID cards, meaning the state places more value on distributing voter ID cards for electoral purposes than on providing ID cards. Without ID cards, it is impossible to access most government services, including schools and medical centers.

In Chile, there are ten distinct indigenous groups. The largest community is the Mapuche, followed by the Aymara, Diaguita, Atacameño, and Quechua communities. This country is the only one in Latin America that does not formally recognize indigenous peoples within its Constitution. As a result, indigenous communities face several difficulties, particularly related to their land rights.

The indigenous population in Chile amounts to 1,565,915 people, representing 9% of the total national population. The Mapuche people constitute 84% of the indigenous population, while the Aymara, Diaguita, Atacameño, and Quechua together represent 15%.

Indigenous communities in Chile live primarily in urban areas. The Metropolitan Region (30.1%), Araucanía Region (19.6%), and Los Lagos Region (13.1%) are home to the largest concentration of indigenous people. However, since 2015, it has been estimated that 24.7% of this population resides in rural areas.

The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples was adopted by the Chilean government on September 13, 2007, and ILO Convention 169 was ratified in 2008. Although the Chilean Constitution does not recognize indigenous peoples, the Ministry of Social Development has established a process to develop a draft Indigenous Constitution that incorporates the perspective of indigenous peoples within the framework of a new Constitution.

Law No. 19,253 of 1993, which focuses on the promotion, protection, and development of indigenous peoples, remains in force; however, it does not align with international legal standards regarding the rights of indigenous peoples to their land, territory, natural resources, as well as their participation and political autonomy.

According to the Ministry of Social Development, 30.8% of the indigenous population lives in poverty, compared to 19.9% ​​of the non-indigenous population. The Araucanía region, which is home to the majority of the indigenous population, remains the most impoverished region in the country.

The Mapuche people's claim to their rights to their lands and territories, which belong to them legally or ancestrally, is an ongoing process. In the Araucanía and Los Ríos regions, the rights of the Mapuche peoples face serious threats due to the expansion of extractive, production, and infrastructure projects. Most of these initiatives come from private companies.

Although a new bill addressed the demands of indigenous peoples and established the Biodiversity and Protected Areas Service, as well as the National System of Protected Areas, it failed to recognize the contribution of indigenous peoples to biodiversity. Furthermore, it failed to safeguard the rights of Indigenous peoples in both public and private conservation initiatives, nor did it recognize or protect community conservation projects.

Another challenge has been the state's criminalization of Mapuche social protest. In 2017, the state frequently used the Anti-Terrorism Law to prosecute members of the Mapuche people. That year, the law was invoked to prosecute 23 Mapuche individuals as terrorists for the crimes of homicidal arson, terrorist arson, and/or terrorist conspiracy.

In August 2017, the Ministry of Social Development began a consultation effort regarding Indigenous peoples' views on the content of a new constitution. This effort, called the Indigenous Constituent Participatory Process, included proposals such as the legal recognition of Indigenous peoples as part of the nationality, the characterization of the Chilean state as plurinational, the right to self-determination and autonomy of these peoples, the right to land and natural resources, as well as the right to special Indigenous representation and rights related to language and social issues, among others. However, the process has failed to capture the elements that the peoples considered essential.

In addition to the majority Han population, the Chinese government officially recognizes 55 ethnic minority groups. Although the Chinese government has adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, it does not accept the designation of indigenous peoples, resulting in the Declaration's non-implementation in its territory. Human rights activists highlight the increasing tension and growing separation in the relationship between the majority Han population and ethnic minorities.

The People's Republic of China's legislation on Regional National Autonomy constitutes a fundamental pillar in the management of minority peoples. This law provides for the development of ethnic autonomous regions, the establishment of their own local administrative government, as well as the right to use their languages ​​and preserve their cultures. Currently, minority autonomous areas represent approximately 60% of the country's total land area.

China presents itself as a cohesive nation with rich ethnic diversity, where all groups are considered equal as stipulated in its Constitution. In addition to the majority Han population, the state recognizes 55 different ethnic groups within its territory.

According to the most recent national census data, conducted in 2010, the number of individuals belonging to ethnic minorities reached 111,964,901, representing 8.4% of the country's total population. There are also ethnic groups that have not received official recognition in China, totaling 640,101 individuals.

The teaching of indigenous languages ​​in minority areas has been largely overshadowed by the predominant teaching of Chinese. Language and education policies are focused on increasing the literacy rate in Putonghua (Standard Chinese) in rural communities and regions where minorities live.

In October 2017, the Xinjiang Education Board issued official circulars aimed at promoting Mandarin learning from primary school onwards, banning all courses and teaching materials in Uyghur and Kazakh.

Key economic and social policies targeting ethnic minorities in China are integrated into the national Five-Year Plan (2016-2020), which emphasizes the importance of economic growth in addressing the complex issues and cultural diversity present among the country's minorities.

Although some minority areas have seen improved living conditions thanks to government economic stimulus initiatives, minority communities continue to face oppression and discriminatory policies. Political unrest and cultural tensions persist in Xinjiang, home to the Uyghurs, and in Tibet. These problems also exist in the autonomous regions of Inner Mongolia.

One of the most persistent and difficult challenges involves the Chinese authorities and the Uyghur Muslim community in Xinjiang, where strict measures remain in place to inhibit the practice of their religious and cultural traditions.

Another problem facing Indigenous communities in China relates to the limitations imposed on their freedom of movement. Although the Xinjiang regional government has eliminated the personal identification program, it still monitors the residency and movement of the population, instructing Uyghurs not to leave the province. A new decree was recently issued requiring Xinjiang residents to submit their passports to public security authorities for annual review, and these documents will be kept in safekeeping after the review.

In addition, the dispute over land expropriation and forced relocation of communities remains a major challenge for numerous Indigenous communities in the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region. Local residents have expressed their discontent with the leasing of their grazing lands to mining companies and real estate developers, arguing that the transfer of ownership and land leasing are illegal and that extractive activities cause pollution and environmental degradation.

The struggle over land and natural resources between Mongolians and Chinese dates back many centuries. Currently, Mongolians are escalating their protests, using modern technology to make their situation known to the rest of the world. These more energetic and organized actions are evolving into civil resistance, representing a direct challenge to the Beijing government.

The number of Indigenous people in Colombia is estimated at 1,500,000. Along with peasants and Afro-Colombians, numerous Indigenous communities in the country continue to face forced displacement and lack of access to land due to the internal armed conflict in Colombia.

The Colombian government adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007. The 1991 Political Constitution recognized the essential rights of Indigenous communities and ratified International Labor Organization Convention 169. At the national level, the interests of Indigenous peoples are represented by two main organizations: the National Indigenous Organization of Colombia, known as ONIC, and the Indigenous Authorities of Colombia, abbreviated as AICO.

In 2014, then-President Juan Manuel Santos signed a decree establishing a special regime to implement an autonomous system of administration in Indigenous territories. This decree remained in effect until Congress approved the Organic Law on Territorial Planning, which defines the relationships and coordination between indigenous territorial entities, municipalities, and departments.

According to official data, it is currently estimated that 1.5 million indigenous people reside in Colombia, representing 3.4% of the national total.

According to the 2005 census, 796,916 people live on reservations, equivalent to 57.2% of the indigenous population. The data reveal that 78.6% of this population is located in rural areas, while 21.4% reside in urban settings. In recent years, the growth of the indigenous population has been significant. In 1993, this population represented only 1.6% of the national total.

A total of 65 Amerindian languages ​​are spoken in the country. Of these, five have no chance of revitalization and another 19 are at serious risk of extinction.

According to information provided by the Victims' Unit, a total of 192,638 individuals from indigenous groups and 794,703 Afro-Colombians have experienced the consequences of the war in recent years. The guerrillas created extremely adverse conditions for them, resulting in massacres, such as those that occurred against the Awá community in Nariño and against Afro-Colombians in Bojayá. The violence perpetrated by the FARC against indigenous communities is evident in the collective territories that have been mined, in the lands that were dispossessed from communities, and in the forced recruitment of children and young people.

Almost a third of the country's territory is declared an indigenous reserve, where serious environmental conflicts and land occupations for extractive activities are taking place.

Costa Rica has 24 indigenous territories home to eight distinct groups. Although the country has signed the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and ratified ILO Convention 169, land rights and self-determination continue to be issues of demand for indigenous communities.

The 1977 Indigenous Law grants recognition to Indigenous Traditional Organizations; however, in practice, the prevailing position is the Integral Development Associations (ADIs), which are completely alien to their traditional power systems. These ADIs are under the supervision, approval, and authority of the National Directorate of Community Development (Dinadeco), a government entity that lacks the capacity to understand cultural diversity, the rights of indigenous peoples, the variations between different communities and territories, and the need for an intercultural approach.

Indigenous peoples in Costa Rica constitute approximately 2% of the total population. According to the 2010 census, nearly 100,000 people identify as Indigenous.

The 24 Indigenous territories in Costa Rica represent 6.7% of the total national territory and are home to eight indigenous communities. Seven of these communities have Chibchan roots: the Huetar, Maleku, Bribri, Cabécar, Brunca, Ngöbe, and Teribe. The eighth, with Mesoamerican roots, is the Chorotega, who reside in Matambú.

The land rights of Indigenous peoples are frequently violated, and more than half of the land area belonging to certain communities is occupied by non-Indigenous settlers. In Costa Rica, lands belonging to Indigenous peoples were titled without the appropriate regularization process, and the State has not implemented measures to correct this situation.

The issues related to the rights of Indigenous peoples in Costa Rica, specifically with regard to land rights and self-determination, encounter strong resistance from those who hold political and economic power. Despite some progress made since 2016 in terms of consultation with Indigenous peoples by the government and the precautionary measures ordered by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, the agenda related to Indigenous rights continues to be postponed.

In particular, the bill on the Autonomous Development of Indigenous Peoples has not been addressed in Congress, despite having been presented approximately twenty years ago. This is due to considerable racist opposition and resistance from the private sector, which argues that the rights to self-determination and autonomous management of Indigenous territories threaten extractive investments. Furthermore, the National Policy for a Society Free of Racism, Racial Discrimination, and Xenophobia (2014-2025), which was supposed to be launched in 2015, has yet to be implemented.

The right to self-determination of Indigenous peoples continues to be rejected by the State.

The process to establish an Indigenous consultation mechanism began in 2016 and has shown considerable progress in 2017. Workshops, regional assemblies, and national meetings were held in Indigenous territories to address the consultation process. At the end of 2017, together with a technical team from the Ministry of the Presidency, an Indigenous commission evaluated the results of the process and prepared a final draft for discussion in February 2018.

Since 2014, the University of Costa Rica has been implementing an institutional plan aimed at promoting and ensuring the admission of students from Indigenous communities in the country. This plan also focuses on ensuring the retention of new Indigenous students at the university. In 2017, the university offered scholarships to 400 Indigenous high school students. Additionally, 32 new students from various regions of the country enrolled at the university.

The indigenous population in Ecuador numbers approximately 1.1 million. In 2007, Ecuador endorsed the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and formalized its adherence to ILO Convention 169.

However, the civil, political, cultural, and territorial rights of the indigenous population lack adequate protection, and they face a number of serious obstacles. Furthermore, there are no specific public guidelines that seek to prevent and mitigate the risks of extinction for indigenous communities in Ecuador.

The Ecuadorian indigenous community comprises 1.1 million people out of a national total of 16,464,448 inhabitants. There are 14 indigenous nations in the country, organized into local, regional, and national structures.

24.1% of the indigenous population resides in the Amazon region, distributed among 10 nations. Within the Kichwa population of the Andean region, 7.3% live in the Southern Cordillera, while 8.3% are located on the coast and in the Galapagos Islands. A larger proportion, reaching 60.3%, is found in six provinces located in the Northern Central Cordillera. Of these, 87.5% live in rural areas and 21.5% are located in urban settings.

The Shuar, who comprise a nation of more than 100,000 people, have a notable presence in three provinces of the South Central Amazon, where they are estimated to represent between 8% and 79% of the total population. The remaining communities are dispersed in small groups throughout the country.

Some nations have very limited inhabitants and are extremely vulnerable. In the Amazon region, there are the A'i Cofán with 1,485 people, the Shiwiar with 1,198, the Siekopai with 689, the Siona with 611 and the Sapara with 559. On the coast, there are the Épera with 546 inhabitants and the Manta with 311.

Government initiatives that automatically promote or provide full guarantees for the rights of Indigenous communities in Ecuador, especially with regard to civil and political rights, as well as cultural and territorial aspects, have not improved.

A major challenge for Waorani communities is related to the State's continued insistence on oil exploitation in the area known as the Waorani Reserve and Yasuní National Park. Furthermore, there is a significant presence of large-scale mining in Shuar territory.

Through a presidential call for a referendum held in February 2018, the government seeks to secure support for Indigenous movements and environmental groups, including demands to prohibit extractive activities, such as metal mining, in ecologically vulnerable areas, as well as to restrict oil operations in Block 43 of Yasuní National Park.

In Eritrea, nine ethnic groups are officially recognized. The country has not ratified the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and lacks representative organizations advocating for the rights of these communities. As a result, indigenous peoples in Eritrea face multiple difficulties.

Eritrea is a signatory to CERD, CEDAW, and CRC, although it has not adopted ILO Convention 169, an international instrument that specifically addresses the rights of indigenous and tribal peoples. There is a considerable disparity between the commitments made through these treaties and the way the government implements them in practice.

There is no national legal or institutional framework in Eritrea that safeguards the rights of indigenous peoples. The rights of these communities are not formally recognized, nor are there organizations that represent their interests and defend their rights.

Furthermore, the country lacks a working constitution and does not have a functioning parliament, and has never held free and fair national elections.

The nine officially recognized ethnic groups in Eritrea are: Afar, Blien, Hidareb, Kunama, Nara, Rashaida, Saho, Tigre, and Tigrinya. Eritrea's population is estimated to be between 4.4 and 5.9 million, and there are at least four indigenous groups present. Information on the precise number of ethnic groups and the socioeconomic status of indigenous peoples is scarce.

In Eritrea, each ethnic group has its own language and official name. The Jeberti and Tigrinya groups share the same language.

One of the main difficulties facing ethnic groups in Eritrea is linked to their diverse collective identities. The claim filed by the Jeberti in the early 1990s was met with severe repression directed at its representatives, and since then, no such claim has been considered in the country. All other similar claims, including those alluding to indigeneity, are currently being promoted by activists in exile and political entities.

Another difficulty relates to the management of natural resources. The Eritrean government has established long-term mining contracts with foreign companies that extract natural resources in territories belonging to potential indigenous groups.

It is alleged that the land rights of Indigenous communities have been violated due to government policy that encourages the settlement of mountain populations on lands traditionally owned by lowland dwellers, as well as the transformation of these lands into state property, which undermines traditional clan land tenure systems and generates conflicts with agro-pastoralists and new settlers.

Indigenous groups leading nomadic and semi-nomadic lifestyles are dispossessed of their ancestral grazing lands. Coercion to abandon their traditional territories is intensified by the confiscation of their livestock and the deforestation of plants, shrubs, and trees vital to their pastoral activities. Furthermore, when Indigenous communities manage to establish themselves or start businesses, such as salt mining or coastal fishing, these territories are expropriated without compensation. 

In 2017, the Special Rapporteur reported on new crimes committed against indigenous communities, including an attack by a military helicopter that struck an Afar fishing boat, killing one person and injuring seven others, as well as the plight of Afar refugees in Yemen, who fled to escape severe rights violations.

Indigenous communities in the United States predominantly comprise American Indian and Alaska Native peoples. As of May 2016, 567 federally recognized tribal entities were identified, most of which possess officially recognized national territories.

In 2010, the United States declared its support for the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples as a moral framework, a position that contrasts with its 2007 vote against it. However, the country has not ratified ILO Convention 169, an international legal framework that specifically addresses the rights of indigenous and tribal communities. Approximately 6.6 million individuals in the United States, equivalent to 2% of the total population, identify as American Indian or Alaska Native, either alone or in combination with another ethnic identity. About 2.5 million, or 0.8% of the population, identify exclusively as American Indian or Alaska Native.

Twenty-three percent of the Indigenous population resides in American Indian territories or Alaska Native village areas. California is home to the largest Indigenous population, while New York City is home to the largest number of Native individuals. Although socioeconomic indicators can vary greatly across regions, the poverty rate among those who identify as American Indian or Alaska Native is approximately 27%.

Recognized Native nations have sovereign status, although they are under the protection of the state. The federal government mandates consultation with tribes, but at the same time, it has plenary authority over these Indigenous nations. Generally, American Indians are considered citizens of the United States.

Policies that have resulted in the reduction of tribal territorial rights, sovereignty, and involvement in land and resource issues have proliferated during the Trump administration. In North Dakota, a pair of legislators introduced a state bill proposing that the federal government allow states to address economic issues on reservations. Since its inception, the administration has considered ideas for privatizing Native lands, which would eliminate federal regulations and tribal sovereignty viewed as obstacles to development.

The Environmental Protection Agency reached an agreement that would allow the Pebble Mine to apply for a license. This project targets copper deposits near Bristol Bay in Alaska. A coalition of local Alaska Native businesses, known as the United Tribes of Bristol Bay, opposes the mine due to concerns about the potential destructive impact on the bay's abundant salmon fishery. A similar action taken by the Obama administration was reversed in December. President Trump reduced both the Grand Staircase-Escalante and Bears Ears National Monuments in Utah. Bears Ears, established in December 2016, was reduced by 85%, from 1,351,849 acres to 201,876 acres. This action will allow the state of Utah to open land for uranium, oil, and gas resource development.

In 2016, former President Obama designated the Bears Ears area in Utah as a National Monument, home to sacred sites for the Ute, Navajo, Hopi, and Zuni tribes. One of these two decisions has been undone by the Trump administration, as has the future of the Dakota Access Pipeline. In December 2016, members of groups supporting the new presidential campaign suggested privatizing Native lands with natural resources, thereby eliminating federal oversight and regulations.

In August 2016, the Inupiat community of Shishmaref held a vote on the possibility of establishing a new village site on the mainland, relocating from a barrier island that had suffered intense erosion. More than 30 villages in Alaska are facing imminent danger of coastal erosion and flooding caused by climate change. Shishmaref had voted in favor of relocation in 1973 and 2002, but failed to secure funding or locate suitable sites for the relocation. Although the current cost of the measure is $200 million, the state is willing to provide $8 million.

In August 2017, Cherokee Freedmen regained their citizenship status in the Cherokee Nation. The ruling in Cherokee Nation v. Nash established that heirs of former Cherokee slaves have the right to full citizenship in the Cherokee Nation. Similarly, in Oklahoma, a federal judge ruled in favor of Kiowa, Apache, and Comanche landowners who own trust land affected by an oil pipeline. The landowners filed a lawsuit against the pipeline company for trespassing. The judge ordered the pipeline company to cease operations and remove the pipeline from their property.

Ethiopia lacks a national legal framework that provides protection to Indigenous peoples. Furthermore, the country has not ratified ILO Convention 169 nor participated in the vote on the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007.

Ethiopia's responsibilities under ratified international human rights mechanisms, including the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, have yet to be met.

Indigenous peoples in Ethiopia constitute a significant portion of the country's total population, estimated at 95 million. Approximately 15% of this group are sedentary pastoralists and farmers living in the lowlands. The territory is also home to hunter-gatherer communities such as the forest-dwelling Majang (Majengir) and the agro-pastoralist Anuak people, located in the Gambella region. There are more than 80 languages ​​spoken in Ethiopia, and the greatest linguistic diversity is found in the southwest region. About two-thirds of the population use Amharic, Oromo, Tigrinya, and Somali as their primary languages.

Pastoralists in Ethiopia inhabit lands that, in recent years, have attracted significant interest from foreign investors. Ethiopia is estimated to be home to the largest livestock population in Africa, a large portion of which is predominantly found in pastoralist communities occupying land that has ultimately become subject to investor appropriation (land grabbing). This land grabbing phenomenon, supported by government policies that lease vast fertile areas to both foreign and domestic companies, negatively impacts Indigenous Peoples.

The government views its land investment policy as crucial to maximizing land use by developing "underutilized" land in the lowlands. However, the selected areas are critical to the livelihoods of approximately 15 million indigenous peoples, including pastoralists, smallholder farmers, and hunter-gatherers, whose traditional land rights are systematically violated.

Ethiopia's villageization policy, which involves resettling communities in predefined villages, has also forced the displacement of indigenous peoples. Although villageization aims to provide "access to basic socioeconomic infrastructure" for those relocated, the resources provided by the government have proven inadequate to ensure the survival of people in the new villages. Furthermore, access to healthcare and primary and secondary education for indigenous peoples remains unsatisfactory.

Indigenous communities in Gambela and the Lower Omo Valley have been impacted by the government's foreign investment policy, land leasing, and villageization program.

Since the mid-1990s, the Gambella region of Ethiopia has experienced clashes between different groups and intercommunal violence, specifically between the Anuak and Nuer, primarily motivated by competition for resources and sociocultural factors.

The rise in ethnic tensions between the Anuak and Nuer is exacerbated by the porous nature of the border between South Sudan and Ethiopia. Gambella is home to approximately 330,211 refugees from South Sudan due to the ongoing crisis in that nation, which continues to cause internal displacement and forces people to seek asylum in neighboring countries. Ethiopia currently ranks as the second largest host country for refugees from South Sudan, with Gambella providing refuge for the majority.

With the growth of the Nuer population, tensions and violence toward Anuak communities have increased, fueled by disputes over traditionally claimed lands and competition for jobs. The issue of land use in Gambella remains a contentious issue.

The exact number of indigenous communities in the Philippines is unknown, although it is estimated that they constitute between 10% and 20% of the country's total population. The Philippines has adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples; however, it has not yet ratified ILO Convention 169.

Republic Act 8371, commonly known as the Indigenous Peoples' Rights Act (IPRA), was enacted in 1997. This legislation has received recognition for its support of the cultural integrity of indigenous peoples, as well as for its affirmation of their right to land ownership and their right to autonomous development on those lands.

More effective implementation of this law is still being sought, as indigenous communities in the Philippines continue to reside in geographically isolated areas, resulting in limited access to key social services and limited opportunities for economic development, education, or political participation in general.

The most recent census of 2010 included, for the first time, a variable related to ethnicity. However, an official figure for the indigenous population in the Philippines has not yet been formulated, and this population is considered to represent between 10% and 20% of the national population, which currently approximates 102.9 million people.

The indigenous groups located in the mountains of northern Luzon are collectively referred to as the Igorot, while the groups on the southern island of Mindanao are known as the Lumad. There are also smaller groups grouped under the name Mangyan in the central islands, as well as other, less numerous, dispersed groups in the central islands and Luzon, including several hunter-gatherer communities that are in the process of transition.

Indigenous communities in the Philippines have largely managed to preserve their traditional culture, dating back to before colonization, along with their social institutions and lifestyles. They generally live in geographically remote areas where they lack access to basic services and have few opportunities in terms of economic activities, education, or political participation. Furthermore, commercially valuable natural resources, such as minerals, forests, and rivers, are primarily located in these territories, which constantly exposes them to threats of development and land grabbing.

Indigenous communities took part in the electoral process by creating their own political party, Sulong Katribu, to represent their interests in the 2016 national elections. Their effort to gain representation in Congress through the party-list system was unsuccessful, not because of a shortage of voters, but because the Commission on Elections and the Supreme Court did not grant Sulong Katribu the necessary recognition to participate in those elections. 

The exclusion from the party's list was condemned by numerous Indigenous communities, who filed appeals stating that all the criteria for accreditation had been met and that Sulong Katribu's disqualification represented an action to further marginalize and discriminate against Indigenous peoples. However, these appeals were also rejected. KATRIBU, the national coalition of regional indigenous peoples' organizations, documented 37 incidents of extrajudicial killings of indigenous peoples, 62 unlawful detentions, 21 political prisoners, 20 cases of forced evictions affecting 21,966 indigenous people, more than 100 citizens facing charges, and the mandatory closure of 34 Lumad schools since Duterte took office in July 2016.

2,600 indigenous and Moro people successfully held the second Lakbayan, or Protest Caravan of National Minorities for Self-Determination and Just Peace, in the capital, Metro Manila.

There appear to be specific challenges in conducting a population census in Gabon, causing data to vary depending on the source consulted. The most recent figures from the 2010 census indicate a total population of 1,480,000, of which more than 600,000 reside in the capital and its surrounding areas.

The average population density is 4.6 people per square kilometer across a total area of ​​257,667 square kilometers. However, considering the density in the capital, which is 1,800 people per square kilometer, the rest of the country has a density of approximately 1 person per square kilometer.

The population is made up of approximately 50 ethnic groups distinguished by diverse cultures and languages, the most prominent being the Fang (32%), Mpongwè (15%), Mbédé (14%), Punu (12%), Baréké or Batéké, Bakota, and Obamba.

Gabon is also home to hunter-gatherer communities, often referred to as pygmies, which include several ethnic groups (Baka, Babongo, Bakoya, Baghame, Barimba, Akoula, Akwoa, among others) with diverse languages, cultures, and geographic locations. These communities live both in urban areas and in the forest. Their ways of life and cultural traditions are deeply intertwined with the forest, which covers 85% of Gabon. According to official data presented during a conference in Libreville on April 27, 2017, there are an estimated 16,162 pygmies throughout the country. The Baka are found mainly in Woleu-Ntem, specifically in the seven villages of Minvoul, and their number ranges between 373 and 683. Other Baka have also been recorded in Makokou and the upper Ivindo, totaling around 866 individuals.

Additionally, there are Bakoya in Ivindo, in the Djouah (north) and Loué (east) areas of the Zadié department (Mékambo). It is estimated that there are about 1,618 individuals in the entire Ogooué-Ivindo region. The largest concentration of Pygmies is among the Babongo in Lopé (Ogooué-Lolo), with an estimated 708 individuals, while the Bakouyi (Mulundu) and the Babongo of Koulamoutou, Pana, and Iboundji are also found, totaling around 2,325. Added to these figures are the Babongo or Akoula of Haut-Ogooué (4,075 individuals) and those of Ngounié and Nyanga, who number 4,442. To complete this geographical analysis of Pygmy communities in Gabon, we include the Bavarama and Barimba of Nyanga (2,263 individuals) and the Akowa (Port-Gentil, Omboue, and Gamba), who number approximately 327 individuals.

In 2005, Gabon decided that its Indigenous Peoples' Development Plan (PDPA) would be part of the World Bank loan agreement for the Forestry and Environment Sector Project. This marked the first official recognition by the Gabonese government of the existence of Indigenous peoples and its obligations toward them. In 2007, Gabon endorsed the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

Greenland's indigenous communities are the Inuit, who represent the majority of the country's population. Greenland operates as an autonomous territory under the Kingdom of Denmark, and although Denmark has ratified the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, Greenlanders continue to face significant challenges. Greenland's total population is 56,000, of whom 50,000 are Inuit. Greenland's diverse culture incorporates activities such as subsistence hunting, commercial fishing, tourism, and emerging efforts to develop the oil and mining industries.

In 1996, at Greenland's urging, Denmark ratified ILO Convention 169. Furthermore, Greenland acceded without reservations to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child on March 26, 1992.

The Inuit Circumpolar Council (ICC), an umbrella organization of Indigenous peoples and ECOSOC-accredited non-governmental organizations, represents the Inuit of Greenland, Canada, Alaska, and Chukotka (Russia), and serves as a permanent member of the Arctic Council. Recently, the Inuit Circumpolar Council established the Pikialaorsuaq Commission, which serves as a consultative mechanism for the communities in Canada and Greenland most closely associated with North Water Polyna (Pikialaorsuaq in Greenlandic).

The fishing industry is the country's main economic activity, and Greenland has legislative powers over this sector. Fishing is the largest source of national income, making it of fundamental importance to the country's economy. It also provides a livelihood for many people throughout the country. The predominant language among the inhabitants of Greenland is Inuit Kalaallisut, which is recognized as the official language. Danish is the second most spoken language.

One of the difficulties facing the people of Greenland relates to uranium mining. This issue has polarized the population into two factions, and more demonstrations have taken place than ever before. Those who support uranium mining argue that it will generate much-needed jobs in Greenland, as well as significant economic contributions. 

Opponents, on the other hand, argue that the environmental and health hazards to humans and wildlife are excessive, and that the community near the Kuannersuit uranium mine will have to be relocated due to the risk of contamination. There is also concern that the waste generated by uranium mining could contaminate the environment for periods extending over millennia. A smaller group of the population maintains that more hearings are needed throughout Greenland to reach a resolution. The uranium project, promoted by Greenland Minerals and Energy, remains in the development phase.

An increase in the suicide rate has been observed in Greenland. In 2016, 47 cases were recorded, representing an increase of ten compared to the previous year. Most victims are young, and there has been a trend toward increasingly younger suicides over the past decade. Suicide among Indigenous communities is a global problem that is being addressed by a growing number of states. Greenland, like many other Indigenous communities, faces the consequences of self-harm and suicide.

A new contract has been awarded for a zinc mining project in the Citronen Fjord. This project will include significant participation from Greenland, and multiple hearings have been held in the local community. However, attendance by local residents has been minimal. This is primarily attributed to inadequate promotion of the hearings, meetings being led by outsiders, and poor interpretation.

In 2010, the Government of Greenland and UNICEF Denmark formalized a partnership agreement to raise awareness of children's rights in Greenland, covering both children and adults. Over the course of five years, several projects aimed at promoting children's rights have been implemented.

Guatemala is home to 24 distinct ethnic groups. Although the Guatemalan government has adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, indigenous groups in the country continue to face disadvantages compared to the rest of society, especially in areas such as political participation, health, employment, income, housing, and education.

Guatemala is estimated to have approximately 6 million inhabitants of indigenous origin. According to the 2002 official census, around 45% of the population considers themselves indigenous, although other estimates suggest this figure could be as high as 60%.

The predominant ethnic groups include the Achí, Akateco, Awakateco, Chalchiteco, Ch'orti', Chuj, Itzá, Ixil, Jacalteco, Kaqchikel, K'iche', Mam, Mopan, Poqomam, Poqomchi', Q'anjob'al, Q'eqchi, Sakapulteco, Sipakapense, Tektiteco, Tz'utujil, Uspanteco, Xinka, and Garifuna.

The country still lacks a robust documentary base that provides an accurate count of the indigenous population, particularly of women, although the disparity between the indigenous and non-indigenous populations is evident in terms of employment, income, health, and education.

Statistics reveal the persistence of racist and discriminatory attitudes toward indigenous peoples. Although they represent more than half of the population and contribute significantly to the national economy, their representation in the political sphere is not proportional to their numbers.

One of the most significant challenges facing Indigenous peoples in Guatemala is their involvement in the political sphere. The electoral system is designed in such a way that it hinders the political inclusion of Indigenous peoples, who act as voters but rarely run as candidates with a real chance of being elected.

Regarding health, employment, income, housing, and education, there is marked inequality between the Indigenous population and the rest of society. Official data indicates that 21.8% of the Indigenous population lives in extreme poverty, compared to 7.4% of the non-Indigenous population. Despite the seriousness of this problem, the State has not implemented specific strategies to address and transform this situation.

Another challenge facing Indigenous peoples in Guatemala is linked to the lack of a Water Law. Neither the use nor the management and conservation of water are publicly regulated, allowing various private companies to benefit from this lack of regulation by not having to make payments for the use of the resource, contribute to its preservation, or assume any responsibility for pollution in water recharge areas. Most of these water sources are located in Indigenous territories, and those affected receive no support from either the State or water users to safeguard their aquifers. Several communities have filed lawsuits against the State to initiate a national debate and begin drafting a Water Law, although that process has not yet begun.

After providing provisional protection to the Q'eqchi communities for their resistance to the construction of two hydroelectric dams with transnational investment on their territory, the Constitutional Court issued a ruling authorizing the continuation of the works and requiring the Government to develop regulations governing the conduct of community consultations. Indigenous peoples and social organizations have expressed their disagreement with this decision. Such a resolution violates the rights of indigenous peoples stipulated in ILO Convention 169, as well as national laws, since community consultations do not need to be regulated and must be carried out according to indigenous peoples' traditional mechanisms.

In 2016, a group of armed forces officers, 34 years after committing their crimes, were sentenced to 120 to 240 years in prison for raping 15 women from the Q'eqchi Maya community and forcing them into sexual slavery.

The case set a precedent worldwide as it is the first time that the crime of sexual abuse during an armed conflict has been brought to trial in the same country where it was committed. However, other cases of crimes committed by the military against the Indigenous population during the internal armed conflict remain unpunished.

French Guiana is an overseas department and part of a French region on the South American continent. Although France has adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, approximately 10,000 Indigenous people live in French Guiana and face multiple difficulties, particularly due to illegal gold mining, which negatively impacts both their natural habitats and the local communities that depend on these resources.

France has not yet ratified ILO Convention 169, an international instrument that safeguards the rights of Indigenous peoples. The country only recognizes areas with Collective Land Use Rights, concessions, and transfers, which cover 8% of French Guiana's total land area and grant only the basic right to land use.

French Guiana's population is 244,118. Indigenous peoples represent 5% of this total, corresponding to approximately 10,000 people.

The Pahikweneh, Lokono, and Téleuyu communities reside along the coast between Saint Laurent du Maroni and Saint Georges de l'Oyapock. The Wayampi and Teko communities reside in the Oyapock region, while the Wayana, along with some Teko and Apalaï, live in the upper Maroni. Their traditional activities of fishing, hunting, gathering, and slash-and-burn agriculture have begun to face difficulties as a result of increasing regulations and mining activity.

Since 1992, France has recognized regional languages, and formal training for mother tongue teachers has been available since 1998.

One of the most significant challenges facing Indigenous communities in French Guiana relates to the repercussions of illegal gold mining, which negatively impacts ecosystems and the local communities that depend on these natural resources. Specifically, in recent years, an increase in illegal gold mining activities has been observed within the Guiana Amazon Park (PAG).

Wildlife hunting is declining considerably, as forest habitats and water bodies have been severely affected by pollution and devastation. Local communities face serious health problems and social challenges such as insecurity, human trafficking, sexual exploitation, and violence, among others.

Another challenge lies in the growing evangelization of Indigenous communities in South America, a phenomenon that has gained momentum in French Guiana in recent years. Evangelization initiatives foster disdain for ancestral beliefs, especially those related to shamanism, resulting in disruptions to traditional Amerindian lifestyles, such as abstinence from traditional drinks like cachirí and a decline in the practice of crafts and rituals.

Members of Indigenous organizations in French Guiana, as well as associations and networks, continue to speak out to highlight the persistent problems affecting Indigenous women and men in this country.

Indigenous groups, also known as Amerindians, are identified collectively and in legislation and comprise approximately 78,500 people within the Cooperative Republic of Guyana, comprising approximately 10.5% of the total population of 746,955 according to the 2012 census. They constitute the fourth largest ethnic group, with the Eastern Indigenous people being the largest subgroup (40%), followed by Guyanese of African descent (29%) and self-identified "mixed-race" people (20%). Populations of Chinese, Portuguese, and Caucasian origin are considered very small minorities. 

Amerindians refer to non-indigenous people as "coastal people," as the majority of them have settled in Coastal Regions 3, 4, and 6. A former British-dominated territory, Guyana is the only English-speaking country on the South American continent. Amerindians are divided into nine Indigenous Nations based on their languages. The Warao, Arawak, and Carib (Kariña) inhabit the coast, primarily in Regions 1 and 2. The Wapichana, Pemon, Makushi, Waiwai, Patamona, and Akawayo reside in scattered communities throughout the interior, especially in Regions 7, 8, and 9. 

In the interior, Amerindians constitute a significant portion of the population, such as in Region 1 (18,000), where they represent 65% of the inhabitants, and in Region 9 (20,000), where their proportion is 86%. The natural resources of these areas, which include rainforests and minerals such as bauxite, gold, and diamonds, are legally under the jurisdiction of national government entities or within Amerindian Village Lands with proprietary rights. 

The insufficiently regulated exploitation of these resources by multinational corporations, as well as illegal mining and deforestation, are some of the challenges facing Indigenous peoples. Therefore, the main concern lies in obtaining full recognition of Indigenous territorial rights (native title) so that they can protect their ancestral territories (owned by customary law) from the activities of mining and logging companies.

The land tenure situation of Indigenous communities has been a major concern since its inception. The 1965 British Independence Agreement included a mechanism for granting land titles. However, the recommendations made by the Amerindian Land Commission between 1967 and 1969 regarding this procedure have never been fully implemented by successive governments. Petitions submitted for collective land titles in the districts have been rejected, resulting in the fragmentation of traditional territories into smaller portions, each under individual village titles. 

Furthermore, this has been a protracted process, and many communities still do not have land titles. The Preamble to Guyana's Constitution recognizes "the special place that Indigenous peoples occupy in our nation" and "their right to land and security as citizens, as well as to formulate policies for their communities." There is a Ministry of Indigenous Peoples' Affairs, formerly known as the Ministry of Amerindian Affairs; in addition, Guyana acceded to the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007. It is worth noting that Guyana is one of the few South American countries that has not ratified ILO Convention No. 169.

In 2018, progress in the land titling process was minimal. The government's initiative to establish a Youth and Employment Service in the Interior has undoubtedly been the most positive news of the year for Amerindians. The other developments have mostly consisted of 2015 campaign promises that have yet to be fulfilled or haven't even begun.

The APNU (A Partnership for National Unity) coalition, along with the AFC (Alliance for Change), which won the 2015 elections, has scaled back its efforts to address protracted disputes over land rights. The Amerindian Land Titling (ALT) project, funded by $10.5 million, involves developing carbon emission reduction strategies and is supported by Norway under a memorandum of understanding signed in 2009 and administered by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). 

This project is supposed to formalize land titles for Amerindians, in accordance with the 1965 Independence Agreement. The provision of communal land titles was paralyzed during the People's Progressive Party (PPP) administration. By 2009, a total of ninety-seven (97) Amerindian communities had formalized property titles, corresponding to approximately two-thirds of the eligible communities that had at least 250 inhabitants in the five years prior to the titling process. Since 2009, the administration has provided inconsistent figures related to property titling.

In contrast to the simplified process established by the State Lands Act of 1972 and its secondary legislation of 1974, in 2010, the PPP complicated the titling process in interior areas by dividing it into two phases. It lacked legislative support, and during this time, unnecessary demarcation of physical boundaries was required, which should only be carried out by certified surveyors. 

Due to the absence of authorized Amerindian surveyors, the teams were made up of surveyors of Chinese and coastal origin, who frequently disagreed with the Amerindian communities on the location of the boundaries. As a result, completing the titling process became a laborious and uncertain task. In mid-2015, the new coalition administration closed the ALT unit without warning, resulting in no Amerindian property titles being granted or renewed between 2016 and 2018. In September 2018, UNDP hired a new international consultant, and an agreement is expected to restart the titling process in the interior by 2019.

In India, 705 ethnic groups are officially recognized as Scheduled Tribes, although numerous ethnic groups could also be classified as Scheduled Tribes but are not officially recognized.

India has various laws and constitutional provisions, such as the Fifth Schedule for the central region and the Sixth Schedule for some northeastern regions, which legitimize indigenous communities' land rights and their right to self-determination; however, the implementation of these provisions is unsatisfactory. India supported the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples on the condition that, upon independence, all Indians would be considered indigenous. Consequently, the country does not recognize the concept of "indigenous peoples," implying that the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples is not relevant in its context.

The indigenous population in India is estimated at 104 million, representing approximately 8.6% of the national total. Despite having 705 officially recognized ethnic groups, many more could be considered Scheduled Tribes, even though they are not formally recognized. Thus, it is evident that the actual number of tribal groups is higher than the officially recognized figure.

The largest proportions of indigenous communities are located in the seven northeastern states of India and in the so-called "central tribal belt," which stretches from Rajasthan to West Bengal.

Todos los productos cuentan con una política de devolución de 30 días. Los artículos deben estar en su condición original, sin usar y debe incluir el recibo o la prueba de compra. Los reembolsos se procesan luego de 5-7 días hábiles tras recibir el artículo devuelto.

The nation of Indonesia is home to an estimated 50 to 70 million individuals belonging to indigenous communities. Indonesia's ancestral communities face increased criminalization and coercion, often associated with investments within indigenous territorial areas.

The third amendment to the Indonesian Constitution enshrines the prerogatives of indigenous communities in Clause 18b-2. Within the most recent legislation, there is tacit recognition of certain powers of groups designated as Masyarakat adat or Masyarakat hukum adat, including Fundamental Agrarian Regulation Act No. 5/1960, Human Rights Act No. 39/1999, and MPR Decree No. X/2001 on Agrarian Reform. Act No. 27/2007 concerning the management of coastal and small islands, together with Act No. 32/2010 concerning the environmental sphere, specifically use the term "Masyarakat Adat" and employ the practical definition of "AMAN." The Constitutional Court upheld the constitutional prerogatives of indigenous communities over their possessions and territories in May 2013, including their collective rights to ancestral forests.

Although Indonesia is a signatory to the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Aboriginal Peoples (UNDRIP), government officials maintain that the concept of indigenous peoples is not applicable, given that virtually all Indonesians (with the exception of Chinese citizens) are indigenous and enjoy identical rights. Consequently, the government has rejected petitions addressing the specific needs of self-identified indigenous groups. On August 10, 2015, the Ministry of Environment and Forestry agreed to manage 6.8 million hectares of indigenous lands designated for integration into the One Map initiative.

The Republic of Indonesia has a population of nearly 250 million people, and the government also recognizes 1,128 ethnic groups. Recent government laws and administrative decisions use the term "Masyarakat adat" to refer to indigenous peoples. The national organization of indigenous communities, Aliansi Masyarakat Adat Nusantara (AMAN), estimates the number of indigenous peoples within Indonesia at between 50 and 70 million people.

The Ministry of Social Affairs classifies certain indigenous communities as "komunitas adat terpencil" (geographically isolated indigenous communities). However, there are a larger number of peoples who identify themselves or are considered by third parties as indigenous.

Violence and criminalization of Indigenous communities persist. No significant efforts have been made to systematically stop acts of violence directed at these populations. Furthermore, managing incidents of violence and criminalization of Indigenous peoples has become more complex since 2016, especially with the emergence of new types of conflicts linked to infrastructure and dams, as well as with the evident military intervention in these acts of violence and criminalization.

Since 1999, the government has planned the construction of a reservoir for irrigation in Ngada District, which is the territory of the Rendu Indigenous Peoples. Following the expansion of Ngada District to include new districts, the site designated for this development initiative was incorporated into the administrative area of ​​a new district, known as Nagekeo District. Since the beginning of this project, the Indigenous communities of Rendu and others directly impacted by it have conducted various investigations to demonstrate its potential adverse effects.

However, on November 8, 2016, police and law enforcement officers monitored the drilling equipment purchased by the Nagekeo local government. The community faced a blockade. However, they were unable to resist, and the drill was eventually located at the exploration site. This procedure was protected by law enforcement officers and police. The following day, the community was stunned to receive news from the Head of the Nagekeo District National Unity and Political Unit that the drilling equipment had been set on fire.

On September 6, 2017, President Joko Widodo ratified Presidential Regulation No. 88 of 2017 on Land Tenure Settlements in Forest Areas. This regulation stipulates that the government will carry out land tenure settlements in forest areas controlled and used by communities.

This presidential regulation raises a number of questions, including those related to the limitation on the resolution of land conflicts within forest areas. The resolution of these conflicts in these areas will be carried out through the resettlement of communities, unless they can demonstrate that they have inhabited the region long before it was designated as a forest area.

The Bedouin constitute Israel's indigenous population. The Israeli government does not formally recognize their status as indigenous, and this community faces a high degree of political, social, economic, and cultural marginalization compared to the rest of Israeli society, especially those dealing with the problem of forced eviction. Their representatives regularly participate in and address United Nations bodies on issues concerning indigenous peoples, although their status as such has not been officially recognized by the State of Israel.

Israel abstained from voting in the adoption of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and has not respected its provisions. Furthermore, the country has not ratified ILO Convention 169 and is committing multiple violations of its articles.

The Arab Bedouin of Israel originate from the Negev-Naqab Desert. Historically, they were semi-nomadic. This community alternated between pastoralism and agriculture, organizing themselves into communities interconnected through kinship ties, which largely defined land tenure.

Before 1948, approximately 90,000 Bedouin lived in the Negev. After the 1948 conflict, most of them were forced to move to Jordan and the Sinai, leaving around 11,000 in Israel. In the early 1950s, the Israeli government grouped this population into a limited geographical area, representing approximately 10 percent of their ancestral territory.

Currently, approximately 75,000 Bedouin reside in 35 "unrecognized villages," which lack essential services and infrastructure. In addition, approximately 150,000 Bedouin live in seven municipalities and 11 villages that have been "recognized" in the last 10 years (Central Bureau of Statistics). However, these settlements make it difficult to maintain the traditional Bedouin lifestyle and offer few job opportunities.

One of the main difficulties faced by the Bedouins in the Negev relates to forced eviction and the lack of alternatives. This community represents 34%, or 240,500 individuals, of the total population of 700,000 in the Negev-Naqab region, yet only 18 of the 144 settlements are officially designated for them.

Most of these settlements suffer from high population density due to a shortage of building permits, and lack adequate infrastructure and employment opportunities. In 2017, 130 violent demolition incidents were recorded. Israeli forces destroyed structures in unrecognized villages, considered illegal, as well as homes in recognized settlements.

In 2017, all requests from unrecognized villages to the Supreme Court seeking access to government services and infrastructure were dismissed. The school enrollment rate for Bedouin aged 15 and over who have completed eight years or less can reach 50% or more.

The Israeli Supreme Court (SCT) ruled in 2015 that the inhabitants of the Atir-Umm Bedouin community could be displaced on the grounds that the state had allowed these citizens to use the land. The SCT held that Atir-Umm members had not obtained ownership status or rights to the land throughout their decades of occupation and use.

This ruling not only definitively resolves the situation of Atir-Umm's 1,000 inhabitants. It is also interpreted as legal reinforcement for the state to carry out the demolition of other Bedouin communities. By determining that the state can dismantle Atir-Umm and forcibly displace its residents, the SCT ruling sets an alarming precedent. This suggests that the inhabitants of many unrecognized villages could be evicted for a clearly discriminatory purpose, violating their constitutional rights to property, dignity, and equality.

The Okinawans, known as Okinawans or Ryūkyūans, are the indigenous peoples of the Ryūkyū Islands, which make up present-day Okinawa Prefecture in Japan. The Ainu, on the other hand, represent the indigenous peoples of Hokkaido, the second largest island in Japan.

Although the Japanese government has implemented the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), it does not grant the unconditional right to self-determination and has not ratified ILO Convention 169.

The Okinawans, or Ryūkyūans, reside in the Ryūkyū Islands, which currently make up Okinawa Prefecture in Japan. These peoples include various indigenous language groups that exhibit unique cultural characteristics. Despite some migratory movement of ethnic Japanese to the islands, the majority of the population remains of Ryūkyūan descent.

The island is home to 1.1 million of the 1.4 million Okinawans residing across the Ryukyu Islands. However, the Japanese government does not recognize Okinawans as indigenous.

One of the major persistent challenges facing Okinawans is their struggle over land. For more than two decades, a campaign has been underway to close the troubled and aging Futenma Air Station, whose operation has been associated by the U.S. and Japanese governments with the construction of a new U.S. military complex in the rural areas of Henoko and Oura in Okinawa.

In 2017, Japanese Prime Minister Abe and President Trump renewed their support for the Henoko-Oura project, preparing for the start of construction in April 2017. However, polls have consistently shown that a majority of Okinawans oppose the project.

The proposed facility would be the first significant military base built on Okinawa in six decades, but for Okinawans, it suggests a future that resembles both the present and the past. The US military presence remains a source of concern for Okinawan residents, but it reached a critical point of discontent and protest in 2017 following numerous serious incidents, such as an airplane window falling onto a school field, as well as the health consequences of military activities.

Crime represents another challenge in the daily lives of Okinawans, increasing their sense of insecurity. In April 2017, an Okinawan woman was murdered after being raped and stabbed by a former US military officer. Later that same year, a Marine Corps soldier caused the death of an Okinawan man while driving under the influence of alcohol. However, figures released in late 2017 showed that the prosecution rate for individuals linked to the US military was less than half that of Japanese citizens.

In May 2016, the Japanese government began evaluating a "New Ainu Law" to support the well-being of the Ainu. In 2017, it was reported that the goal was to implement this new legislation by 2020, and that for the first time ever, the law could recognize the Ainu as indigenous peoples.

In anticipation of the new legislation, the government announced it would conduct a national census in fiscal year 2017 to assess the living conditions of the Ainu. The census will cover closed sessions both inside and outside of Hokkaido, seeking to include those of Ainu descent who do not wish to openly disclose their heritage.

The indigenous peoples of Kanaky (New Caledonia) are the Kanak peoples. New Caledonia is currently undergoing a process of decolonization from France, which is leading to discussions about the Kanak's right to participate in elections, as well as their right to self-determination and recognition of their indigenous identity.

On September 13, 2007, France endorsed the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. However, the indigenous peoples of New Caledonia have not yet benefited from the full implementation of this Declaration.

New Caledonia is an archipelago located in the South Pacific and is currently undergoing a process of decolonization from France. According to the 2014 census, New Caledonia's population was 268,767, with 39% Kanak, 27% European, mostly French, 8% Wallisian and Futunian, and approximately 15% people from other origins, including Tahiti, Indonesia, Vanuatu, and Vietnam.

There are ongoing debates regarding the Kanak people's right to vote, self-determination, and indigenism. The Kanak people have been demanding their right to independence and self-determination since 1975. Today, pro-independence parties, primarily Kanak and anti-independence political parties, disagree with the formation of electoral bodies for future elections.

Regarding the 2016 electoral census, pro-independence political groups denounced the fact that approximately 25,000 Kanak were not registered on a special list to be eligible to vote in the independence referendum. As the country's Indigenous people, these Kanak would not be able to exercise their right to self-determination and independence. The first consultation on decolonization (independence) is planned for the end of 2018.

Indigenous groups in Kenya include hunter-gatherers such as the Ogiek, Sengwer, Yaaku, Waata, and Sanya, and pastoralists such as the Endorois, Turkana, Maasai, and Samburu, among others.

Kenya has no specific legislative framework for indigenous peoples, and the country has not yet ratified the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Indigenous communities in Kenya face problems related to lack of access to land and resources, inadequate services, and discrimination.

Kenya lacks specific legislation addressing the rights of indigenous peoples and has not ratified the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples or International Labor Organization Convention 169.

However, Kenya has ratified several international treaties, such as the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD), the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CEDAW), the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD), and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC).

Chapter Four of Kenya's Constitution contains an advanced Bill of Rights, which incorporates international law as an essential element within the country's legal system and ensures the protection of minorities and vulnerable groups. Articles 33, 34, 35, and 36 guarantee freedom of expression, freedom of the press, access to information, and the right to association. However, the principle of Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC) is not effectively applied in Kenya.

In Kenya, the communities associated with the indigenous movement are mostly nomadic pastoralists and hunter-gatherer groups, as well as some fishing communities and small farmers. Pastoralists are estimated to represent approximately 25% of the country's total population, while the largest hunter-gatherer community numbers around 79,000 individuals.

Pastoralists mostly inhabit the arid and semi-arid regions of northern Kenya and the border area between Kenya and Tanzania to the south.

Hunter-gatherers include the Ogiek, Sengwer, Yiaku, Waata, and Aweer (Boni), while pastoralist groups include the Turkana, Rendille, Borana, Maasai, Samburu, Ilchamus, Somali, Gabra, Pokot, Endorois, and others.

Indigenous communities in Kenya face insecure land and resource ownership, as well as poor service provision, low political representation, discrimination, and exclusion. The situation of these communities appears to deteriorate with each passing year due to increasing competition for resources in their regions.

A high incidence of forced evictions against Indigenous communities, such as the Sengwer hunter-gatherers of Kenya, has been documented. These evictions have had severe consequences and triggered multiple human rights violations, including the right to personal integrity, the right to non-intrusion into privacy, family, and home, and the right to peaceful enjoyment of property.

The territories of Indigenous communities represent the last refuge dedicated to the extraction of natural resources such as oil, gas, wind, and geothermal energy, as well as for the implementation of large infrastructure projects such as railways, roads, and pipelines, within the framework of the national development plan known as Vision 2030.

Indigenous women in Kenya face various restrictions and difficulties in the social, cultural, economic, and political spheres. First, due to their belonging to minority and marginalized groups at the national level; and second, due to the effect of internal social and cultural prejudices.

These prejudices have persisted in limiting Indigenous women's opportunities, preventing them from escaping the cycle of illiteracy and poverty. Furthermore, they have hindered their ability to participate and influence political and cultural governance, as well as development policies and processes, due to unequal power relations at both the local and national levels. However, in 2017, a larger number of women were elected and entered politics.

Laos is distinguished as the country with the greatest ethnic diversity in mainland Southeast Asia, and its government recognizes the existence of 160 ethnic subgroups grouped into 49 categories. Although Laos supported the adoption of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, all ethnic groups have equal status in the country, and the government does not recognize the concept of indigenous peoples.

Laos adopted the ICERD in 1974 and the ICCPR in 2009. However, the government imposes severe restrictions on fundamental rights, including freedom of expression, association, assembly, and religion, while civil society is under strict control.

Laos has a population of 6.8 million. The Lao ethnic group, which constitutes approximately half of the population, exerts economic and cultural dominance over the country. However, there are regions where the number of ethnic groups exceeds that of the Lao and where their culture is prominent.

In Laos, there are four distinct ethnolinguistic families. Lao-Tai speaking groups make up two-thirds of the population; the remaining third is made up of speakers of languages ​​belonging to the Mon-Khmer, Sino-Tibetan, and Hmong-Ew-Hmien families, considered the indigenous peoples of Laos.

Indigenous peoples are the most vulnerable group in Laos, representing 93% of the country's impoverished population. They face territorial, economic, cultural, and political pressures, facing various threats to their livelihoods. Their lands and resources are under increasing pressure due to government development policies that favor investment and commercial exploitation of natural resources.

The right to land is one of the main struggles facing Indigenous peoples in Laos. Most of the customary lands, including forests, agricultural lands, and fisheries, belonging to these peoples lack formal recognition or titles, and the lack of legal recognition and adequate protection makes them susceptible to appropriation by the state and private actors.

Laos is undergoing a period of intensive dam construction, attempting to harness the energy of the Mekong and other rivers. Although the Laotian government views energy generation as a means to boost the country's economy, the projects are controversial due to their impact on the environment and the financial arrangements in place.

A significant advance regarding land rights in 2017 was the implementation of the recently amended Investment Promotion Law. This legislation halved the maximum period allowed for investment in new concession projects, setting it at 50 years, instead of the previous limit of 99 years. This new regulation is expected to provide greater clarity and facilitate business operations in the country.

Despite the omission of recognition of collective lands in national regulations, several projects have successfully implemented participatory land use planning in different regions of the country, with the aim of ensuring access to communal lands, as well as forests, fallow land, and natural resources.

The Tuareg and Toubou live in the southern part of the country, primarily nomadic people who move with their herds and live in tents. Libya has expressed its support for the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The majority of the Libyan population is made up of Arabs of diverse origins (such as Egyptians, Sudanese, Tunisians, Palestinians, Bedouins, Maltese, among others), representing around 90% of the total. The remainder is made up of Imazighen (4.7%), Westerners (1%), Indians-Pakistanis and other Asians (approximately 1%), Nile-Saharans (less than 1%), and Filipinos (less than 1%). The majority of Libyan Arabs come from mixed heritage, i.e., Arab-Imazighen. The Imazighen reside in small villages in the west of the country and tend to identify more with their tribe or locality than as Libyan citizens. The Tuareg and Toubou, as mentioned, live in the south and are mostly nomadic, moving with their livestock and living in tents.

Libya voted in favor of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

Throughout 2018, international mediation between Libya's various factions intensified; however, this intervention did not lead to concrete results. The division between the Cyrenaica region (in the east), under the rule of the Libyan National Army (LNA) led by Marshal Khalifa Haftar, and the Tripolitania region (in the west), where the internationally recognizable government of Faïez Sarraj is located, is considerable. Two summits bringing together the main actors in the crisis, one in Paris in May and another in Palermo, Italy, in November, produced only vague statements of principle.

Taking advantage of these divisions, Islamic State cells again made their presence known with several notable actions, most notably the May attack on the Electoral Commission in Tripoli, which resulted in 12 deaths and 7 injuries.

In November 2018, the Italian government held another summit with the intention of diplomatic mediation, although Marshal Haftar's inflexible stance overshadowed the meeting. Although the goal of holding elections remained, they were postponed until spring 2019. In this context, a "national conference" was scheduled for spring 2019 to establish the electoral calendar.

The Kingdom of Tahiti was declared a French protectorate in 1842, thus becoming part of France's colonial process. Since 2004, Maohi Nui (French Polynesia) has been classified as an Overseas Collectivity, granting it considerable political autonomy within the French Republic, thanks to its own local institutions: the government and the Maohi Nui Assembly. This entity has numerous powers that are no longer under the supervision of the French state, making these local institutions a crucial element in the Polynesian political sphere.

Currently, its population is 283,000, 80% of whom are ethnically Polynesian. The 2020 demographic census indicates that population growth has slowed due to migration, a declining birth rate (which stands at a general fertility rate of 1.7 children per woman), and an aging population. In the community of Māohi Nui, growing inequalities are evident, with a greater income disparity compared to metropolitan France, as noted by the French Polynesian Institute of Statistics. 

In particular, the 2015 household budget survey revealed that one-fifth of the Polynesian population lived below the poverty line. This situation can largely be attributed to the limited redistributive efforts of the Polynesian tax system, namely the lack of an income tax. With consumer prices averaging 31% higher than those in metropolitan France, and after a decade of inflation, the final months of 2022 and the beginning of 2023 were characterized by an unprecedented inflationary surge, triggering a new phase of deterioration in the purchasing power of low- and middle-income households, leading to a worsening of living conditions, including limited access to adequate and sufficient food.

Māohi Nui also exhibits a wide range of social differences compared to metropolitan France. Gender disparities have increased, with domestic sexual violence being significantly more common. Historically, Māohi Nui has been marked by a polarized political environment: on one side is the pro-independence Tavini Huiraatira party, under the leadership of Oscar Temaru, and on the other, the autonomist Tahoera'a Huiraatira party, led by Gaston Flosse. 

Until 2016, the latter party advocated maintaining French Polynesia as part of the French Republic, but then turned its attention to changing its status from autonomous to associated state. In 2016, a succession crisis within the Tahoera'a party, following Flosse's disqualification from holding public office (a decision upheld by the Court of Cassation in January 2022), resulted in the formation of a third political party, Tapura Huiraatira. This autonomist party was founded by Edouard Fritch, who served as president of Māohi Nui from September 2014 to April 2023.

At the end of 2019, Mali's population was over 20 million (four times more than in the previous 59 years).

The Tuareg (Tamazight speakers), the Moors (Arabic speakers), and, in the coastal areas, the Songhay and Peul (Fulani) are the main communities inhabiting the vast northern area that represents two-thirds of Mali. Their political alliances and conflicts have shaped the history of a region where there has been interdependence between nomadic and settled populations, who have participated in vast networks of economic, cultural, and social exchange across the Sahara.

The Tuareg live in the five administrative regions of northern Mali (Kidal, Timbuktu, Gao, Taoudenit, and Menaka), known as Azawad by autonomy movements. They are also present in the border areas of other states (Niger, Algeria, Libya, and Burkina Faso).

In 1960, when Mali was created, official figures placed the Tuaregs at more than 10% of the country's population. Today, despite the lack of reliable data, the official narrative surrounding the conflicts between the Tuaregs and the Malian state places them at a mere 3% of the total population, a figure that is hardly credible.

Mali's official language is French, but cultural diversity is recognized in its Constitution. The National Accord, a peace agreement signed with the Tuareg armed fronts in 1992, recognized the specific nature of the regions inhabited by the Tuaregs, although these provisions were never specifically implemented. Mali voted in favor of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) in 2007. However, the Malian state does not recognize the existence of “indigenous peoples” on its territory, as defined by the Declaration and International Labor Organization (ILO) Convention No. 169 concerning Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in Independent Countries.

The Orang Asli, Orang Ulu, and Anak Negeri peoples constitute Malaysia's indigenous population. Although Malaysia has adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, the country's indigenous population faces several challenges, particularly in terms of land rights. Malaysia has not ratified ILO Convention 169.

In 2015, the indigenous population of Malaysia was estimated to be approximately 13.8% of a total of 31,660,700 individuals.

The indigenous peoples of Peninsular Malaysia are grouped under the term Orang Asli. The 18 subgroups of Orang Asli belonging to the Negrito (Semang), Senoi, and Aboriginal-Malay categories total approximately 210,000 people, representing approximately 0.7% of the population of Peninsular Malaysia.

In Sarawak, indigenous communities are generally referred to as natives (Dayak and/or Orang Ulu). This group includes the Iban, Bidayuh, Kenyah, Kayan, Kedayan, Lunbawang, Punan, Bisayah, Kelabit, Berawan, Kejaman, Ukit, Sekapan, Melanau, and Penan, totaling 1,932,600 people, equivalent to 70.5% of Sarawak's population.

In Sabah, the 39 diverse indigenous ethnic groups are referred to as native or Anak Negeri, representing approximately 2,233,100 people, or 58.6% of the region's total population. The major groups include the Dusun, Murut, Paitan, and Bajau.

While the Malays are also considered indigenous peoples of Malaysia, they are not classified as indigenous peoples due to their majority status and predominance in the political, economic, and social spheres.

In Peninsular Malaysia, there is a clear lack of reference to the traditional land rights of the Orang Asli. Meanwhile, in Sarawak and Sabah, regulations established by the British during the colonial era, which recognize the customary land rights and traditional practices of Indigenous peoples, are still in place. However, they are not effectively implemented and are neglected by the government, which prioritizes large-scale resource exploitation and plantations by private and state-owned enterprises over the needs and interests of Indigenous communities.

Amazigh groups constitute the native communities of Morocco. This country has not formally adhered to the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples nor ratified Convention 169 of the International Labor Organization.

In recent decades, Morocco has been characterized by a centralized state with a single governing body, a single religious faith, a single language, and a systematic exclusion of the Amazigh identity. Morocco's administrative and legal structure is predominantly Arabic, which exerts pressure on the Amazigh culture and way of life to integrate. Although the 2011 Constitution officially recognizes the Amazigh identity and language, regulations defining its official implementation, as well as methods for including it in education and as an official language, are still pending.

Amazigh people represent the indigenous communities of Morocco and other regions of North Africa. While the 2016 census in Morocco estimated that the percentage of Tamazight speakers was 28% of the population, Amazigh organizations maintain that the actual figure is between 65 and 70%. This would imply approximately 20 million speakers in Morocco and nearly 30 million across North Africa and the Sahel.

The Amazigh community has established an entity known as the "Amazigh Cultural Movement" (ACM) to promote their rights. This civil society movement is founded on universal human rights principles. Currently, there are more than 800 Amazigh NGOs operating in various regions of Morocco.

The teaching of Tamazight is crucial to the Amazigh Cultural Movement. This language was incorporated into Morocco's education system in 2003, but a slowdown in its development has been noted since 2008.

However, signs of progress were seen in 2017. In an interview, the Minister of Education emphasized the importance of teaching Tamazight and proposed a change in approach to expand the dissemination of this language. This new method includes training teachers who will be qualified to teach Tamazight, French, and Arabic. It was suggested that 300 teachers be trained in Amazigh this year.

The Head of Government also urged several higher education institutions to implement training programs in the Amazigh language, in collaboration with the Royal Institute of Amazigh Culture.

Currently, there are 10 television channels broadcasting in Arabic in Morocco, and one in Tamazight. This channel is part of an effort to diversify and contribute to the integration of Tamazight into the audiovisual field. The channel represents the desire to offer the nation a contemporary means of communication that values ​​the Amazigh identity through its different linguistic, cultural, artistic, and civilizational dimensions.

Since Morocco gained independence, Amazigh communities have faced difficulties related to land appropriation. During his address to the participants of the National Conference on "State Land Policy" held in 2014, King Mohammed VI issued guidelines for assessing the situation of tribal lands; however, the issue remains unresolved.

Despite the progress made by the National Development Initiative (NDI) in strengthening the skills of agricultural producers, as well as improving access to education and health services in remote areas, and creating necessary infrastructure such as sanitation facilities, poverty persists widely in Moroccan society, being especially acute in the mountainous and rural areas where the majority of the Amazigh population resides.

There are 16,933,283 people of indigenous origin residing in Mexico, representing 15.1% of the total population. In 2007, Mexico ratified the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, signed ILO Convention 169 in 1990, and, by reforming Article VI of its Constitution in 1992, established itself as a multicultural nation. However, the indigenous population faces several significant challenges.

The National Institute of Statistics and Geography (INEGI), the National Population Council (CONAPO), and the Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLAC) documented the existence of 16,933,283 indigenous inhabitants in the country, equivalent to 15.1% of the total Mexican population (112,236,538). This population is experiencing continuous growth, driven by high birth rates, although this is partially mitigated by high mortality rates. Mexico has the largest indigenous population and indigenous languages ​​in the Americas, with more than 68 languages ​​and 364 dialectal variants.

One of the most significant challenges facing Indigenous peoples in Mexico is the lack of formal recognition. In 2001, following the mobilization of these peoples to ensure that legislation conformed to the San Andrés Accords—the result of negotiations between the government and the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) in 1996—articles I, II, IV, XVIII, and CXV of the Mexican Constitution were reformed.

By 2003, the EZLN and the National Indigenous Congress (CNI) began implementing these Accords in their regions, establishing autonomous Indigenous governments in Chiapas, Michoacán, and Oaxaca. Although the states of Chihuahua, Nayarit, Oaxaca, Quintana Roo, and San Luis Potosí include provisions on Indigenous peoples in their state constitutions, their legal systems are still not fully recognized.

An additional challenge relates to the health of Indigenous communities in Mexico. This sector is the most vulnerable, experiencing high maternal and infant mortality rates, acute and chronic malnutrition rates higher than the national average, a reduced life expectancy, and significant limitations in accessing public services.

Regarding human rights, a report by the organization Front Line Defenders indicated that Mexico ranks as the fourth most dangerous country for human rights defenders. In 2017, 31 murders were recorded, with the majority of the victims being activists involved in Indigenous or environmental causes.

Case: Visit of the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. In November 2017, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the rights of indigenous peoples, Victoria Tauli-Corpuz, conducted an official visit to Mexico, where she met with state and federal officials, as well as representatives of indigenous communities and civil society organizations.

Among the points highlighted by the Special Rapporteur in her final statement following the mission, she emphasized, first, that indigenous peoples are not duly consulted in accordance with international standards regarding projects and decisions that impact their rights, including the right to life. The 99% impunity rate in cases of human rights violations, especially against indigenous peoples, is worrying. Furthermore, the violence faced by indigenous groups defending their rights is evident, particularly in situations related to the implementation of extractive megaprojects.

The Special Rapporteur emphasized that the purpose of the report is to expose the main violations of the rights of indigenous peoples and their communities in Mexico.

Myanmar's population includes more than 100 distinct ethnic groups. Although Myanmar has accepted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, the country's indigenous communities continue to face numerous obstacles, including armed conflict, human rights violations, and land rights issues.

Myanmar has not signed the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, nor has it ratified the International Labor Organization's Convention 169. The country is a party to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and the Convention on the Rights of the Child; however, many of the recommendations of the committees for both conventions have yet to be implemented.

Myanmar's cultural diversity consists of more than 100 ethnic groups, with Burmese women constituting approximately 68% of the total population of 51.5 million. The nation is organized into seven predominantly Burmese-dominated regions, in addition to seven ethnic states. The Myanmar government refers to groups considered indigenous as ethnic nationalities, which include the Shan, Karen, Rakhine, Karenni, Chin, Kachin, and Mon. However, other groups can also be classified as indigenous, such as the Akha, Lisu, Lahu, and Mru, among others.

One of the main difficulties facing Myanmar's indigenous communities is related to the repercussions of armed conflict, which have been increasing since 2016, especially in Rakhine State, which involves the Rohingya ethnic minority. Humanitarian aid has experienced delays in authorization or has been blocked altogether during combat phases, negatively impacting indigenous communities and ethnic minorities in Shan, Kachin, Chin, and Rakhine States.

Another persistent issue relates to the rights of indigenous women. At the 64th session of the United Nations Committee on the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, the Myanmar delegation stated that women do not face "social barriers in education, employment, and career advancement." However, among Myanmar's 330 townships, there is not a single female township administrator, and of a total of 16,785 village and ward administrators, only 42 are women.

The delegation defended the controversial Race and Religion Protection Acts, which, if implemented, would violate the Convention. The Committee called on the government to amend or eliminate this body of legislation, as well as the underlying constitutional preconceived notions regarding women's role in society.

Indigenous women in Myanmar face significant obstacles to accessing justice in cases of gender-based violence, and the Committee underscored the fear these women, as well as those belonging to ethnic minorities, feel when reporting sexual assault or rape perpetrated by the armed forces.

Despite ongoing land reforms in Myanmar, divergent land interests persisted in 2017, characterized by a lack of adequate, prior, and informed consent, as well as unsatisfactory compensation for relocation and a lack of clear judicial mechanisms.

The problem is compounded by the existence of 17 different departments, not encompassing armed ethnic administrations, linked to land management, resulting in the continued vulnerability of Indigenous lands and territories to equally common state favoritism.

It is noteworthy that land expropriation driven by military entities continues to occur exclusively for recreational purposes.

The sixth and final draft of the National Land Use Policy, known as NLUP, which received parliamentary approval in 2016, includes a chapter dedicated to the Land Use Rights of Ethnic Nationalities, which refers to customary land tenure and land use mapping. Protections related to customary tenure are not restricted solely to agricultural land, but also cover transitional cultivation practices in forested areas, as well as the validation of communal tenure systems, such as shifting cultivation.

Myanmar held two National Policy Dialogues on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2017, which brought together a total of 105 participants, including delegates from the Union Ministry of Ethnic Affairs, state and regional ministers of ethnic affairs, representatives of indigenous peoples' organizations, and UN members.

Nepal's population is comprised of 125 ethnic groups and castes. The country has adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and ratified ILO Convention 169.

However, the Constitution, which was promulgated in 2015, does not recognize the collective rights and aspirations of indigenous peoples in relation to identity-based federalism, resulting in a number of challenges for these communities. It remains to be determined how constitutional reforms or rewording and the creation of new legislation will align with the requirements of these international human rights standards.

According to the 2011 census, indigenous nationalities (Adivasi Janajati) represent 36% of the total population of 26.5 million. However, indigenous peoples' groups maintain that this figure should be higher than 50%.

The 2011 census classified the population into 125 castes and ethnic groups, including 63 indigenous peoples, 59 castes, including 15 Dalit castes, and three religious groups, including Muslim communities.

Although indigenous peoples represent a significant portion of the population, throughout Nepal's history they have faced discrimination, marginalization, exclusion, oppression, domination, and exploitation in areas related to land, territories, resources, language, culture, customary laws, and political and economic opportunities.

Nepal's new Constitution, which was promulgated in 2015 amid controversy and the use of state violence against indigenous peoples and the Madhesi, has faced challenges in its implementation.

This failure is due to disputes between the main political parties, the lack of meaningful inclusion of all groups in society during the drafting process, and persistent protests from indigenous and Madhesi communities.

The Lawyers' Association for Human Rights of Indigenous Peoples in Nepal (LAHURNIP) has pointed out various forms of discrimination against indigenous peoples in the constitution, and the indigenous movement is calling for comprehensive amendments, from the preamble to the annexes, or a complete rewrite of the constitution to be in compliance with UNDRIP, ILO Convention 169, and the Final Document.

The Constitution provides for the creation of two commissions: one dedicated to indigenous peoples and another focused on the Tharus. However, it appears that these commissions will be powerless, lacking judicial authority or other significant powers, and limited to carrying out development activities such as income-generating initiatives, participatory programs, and capacity building for indigenous organizations. Indigenous peoples in Nepal continue to face obstacles to their participation in programs and policymaking, such as UNDRIP and the UNFCCC Paris Agreement, due to a lack of awareness, access to information, advocacy, and the dominant mindset of policymakers.

More than 100 Indigenous and local people have signed a memorandum regarding road expansion in the Kathmandu Valley, demanding the repeal of criteria that were drafted without the consultation and consent of Newar peoples and other local residents, in accordance with their rights guaranteed by the Local Self-Government Act of 1999, as well as ILO Convention 169 and UNDRIP. This memorandum also states that any development initiative must be undertaken only with the free, prior, and informed consent of Indigenous peoples in the municipality, warning of protests if their demands are not met.

UNDP Nepal, in collaboration with the National Indigenous Women's Federation (NIWF), has launched a study on the economic empowerment of indigenous women in Nepal.

Namibia's indigenous communities include the San, Nama, Ovahimba, Ovazemba, Ovatjimba, Ovatwa, and their subdivisions. Although Namibia's Constitution prohibits discrimination based on ethnicity or tribal group, it does not specifically recognize the rights of indigenous peoples or minorities, and there is a lack of national legislation that directly addresses these indigenous communities.

On September 13, 2007, Namibia endorsed the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP); however, it has not ratified ILO Convention 169, an international legal framework focusing on the rights of indigenous and tribal peoples.

Namibia is committed to multiple binding international treaties that reaffirm the principles enshrined in the UNDRIP, such as the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (ACHPR), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD), and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).

Namibia's indigenous communities comprise the San, Nama, Ovahimba, Ovazemba, Ovatjimba, and Ovatwa. Collectively, they represent approximately 8% of the country's total population of 2,484,780.

The San, known as Bushmen, have a population ranging from 27,000 to 34,000, constituting between 1.3% and 1.6% of the country's population. They are part of subgroups such as the Khwe, Hai || Om, Ju || Hoansi, Kung, and the ǂKao || Aesi, Naro, and Xóõ subgroups. Each San subgroup has its own language, as well as distinct customs, traditions, and narratives.

Historically, the San were primarily hunter-gatherers, but today, many have diversified their livelihoods. More than 80% of the San population has been dispossessed of their ancestral lands and resources, placing them among the most impoverished and marginalized groups in the country.

The Ovahimba population numbers around 25,000 individuals. This pastoral community resides primarily in the semi-arid region northwest of Kunene. The Ovazemba, Ovatjimba, Ovazemba, and Ovatwa communities live closely with the Himba in the mountains of northwestern Namibia. The Khoe-speaking Nama group numbers approximately 100,000 people, living mainly in central and southern Namibia.

2016 witnessed a notable decline in Namibia's economy, resulting in significant budget cuts for numerous ministries, including those dedicated to supporting Indigenous peoples.

The impact of these cuts is expected to be most significant for communities located in remote areas, due to reduced operational capacity.

In March 2015, the San Development Division, formerly part of the Prime Minister's Office, was renamed the Marginalized Communities Division and transferred to the Office of the Vice President. This entity is responsible for focusing on the San, Himba, Tjimba, Zemba, and Twa groups, with the primary goal of incorporating marginalized communities into the mainstream economy and improving their livelihoods. In 2016, representatives of the Marginalized Communities Division in the Office of the Vice President, along with Kxao Royal Ui | o | oo, the Deputy Minister of Marginalized Communities and the only San member of the national government, held meetings with numerous marginalized communities in Namibia.

The Division participated in the 15th annual meeting of the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (PFIIU), which took place in New York from May 9 to 20, 2016. The Marginalized Communities Division agreed on a work plan with the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs to promote the rights of indigenous peoples in Namibia and, in particular, to assist in the implementation of the White Paper on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in Namibia, prepared by the Office of the Ombudsman of Namibia in 2014.

Seven indigenous groups reside in Nicaragua. In 2010, Nicaragua adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and ratified ILO Convention 169. However, indigenous communities face a multitude of problems, primarily the invasion of their community territories, which impacts their livelihoods due to the lack of state action to protect these peoples' collective property.

The seven indigenous groups in Nicaragua are historically and culturally distributed between the Pacific coast and the north-central region of the country, inhabited by the Chortega (221,000), Cacaopera or Matagalpa (97,500), Ocanxiu or Sutiaba (49,000), and Nahora or Nahuatl (20,000) people. The Caribbean (or Atlantic) coast is home to the Miskitu (150,000), Sumu Mayangna (27,000), and Rama (2,000) peoples.

Other groups with collective rights recognized by the Nicaraguan Constitution (1987) are Afro-descendants, referred to as the "Ethnic Community" in national legislation. These include the Creole or Kriol people (43,000) and Garifuna (2,500).

One of the most serious concerns for Nicaragua's Indigenous peoples is the unilateral government's implementation and imposition of the construction of the Grand Interoceanic Canal on communal lands, which directly affects their ways of life. Another important challenge for Indigenous communities in Nicaragua is the failure of the Nicaraguan State to fulfill its legal duty to respect the land titles it has granted to these communities. This is the case of the communities of the Pearl Lagoon Basin, the Tilba Lupia community, the Tasba Pri territory, the Afro-descendant Indigenous community of Bluefields, and the Rama and Kriol territories.

In 2017, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) once again expressed its concern about the situation of defenders of land and natural resources, as well as Indigenous and Afro-descendant communities involved in land defense work, who remain exposed to the high levels of violence that persist in Nicaragua today.

The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) has implemented certain actions to support Indigenous communities in cases of illegal invasions by non-Indigenous people or settlers with land titles granted to Indigenous territories. In 2016, the IACHR issued precautionary measures for 12 communities. However, the Nicaraguan State failed to comply with these measures, leaving community members unable to move freely to carry out their hunting, fishing, and harvesting activities due to the invasion and occupation of their lands by armed settlers.

The indigenous peoples of Niger are the Tuareg, Fulani, and Toubou, all of whom are transhumant pastoralists. In 2009, Niger's total population was estimated at 14,693,110. 8.5% of this population, or 1,248,914 people, were Fulani, 8.3%, or 1,219,528 people, were Tuareg, and 1.5%, or 220,397 people, were Toubou.

Within the Fulani, there are several subgroups, such as the Tolèbé, Gorgabé, Djelgobé, and Bororo. They are mostly cattle and sheep herders, although some have become farmers after losing their animals during droughts. The Tuareg raise camels and goats and live in the north (Agadez and Tahoua) and west (Tillabéry) of the country. The Toubou are camel herders and live in the east of the country around Tesker (Zinder), N'guigmi (Diffa), and along the border with Libya (Bilma).

Niger's June 2010 Constitution does not explicitly mention the existence of indigenous peoples in the country. The rights of pastoralists are stipulated in the Pastoral Code adopted in 2010. Importantly, this Code includes explicit recognition of mobility as a fundamental right and a prohibition on privatizing pastoralist spaces, which threatens such mobility. An important additional element in the Pastoral Code is the recognition of priority use rights on their rangelands (terroirs d'attache). Niger is not a signatory to ILO Convention 169 but did vote in favor of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

Following Israel's declaration of independence in 1948, the Jahalin Bedouin, along with four other Negev Desert tribes (al-Kaabneh, al-Azazmeh, al-Ramadin, and al-Rshaida), moved to the West Bank, which at the time was under Jordanian jurisdiction. These tribes have historically been semi-nomadic agro-pastoralists residing in the rural areas near Hebron, Bethlehem, Jerusalem, Jericho, and the Jordan Valley.

Today, these areas are part of what is known as "Area C" in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT), which comprises 61% of the West Bank. According to the 1995 Oslo Accords, Israel was granted temporary administrative and security control of Area C, with the expectation that it would be gradually returned to the Palestinian Authority by 1999. However, this has not been carried out, and 27 years after the signing of the accords, Israel retains almost total authority over Area C, including law enforcement, land use planning, and construction. 

This region contains all settlements, industrial parks, military bases, firing ranges, protected natural areas, and roads exclusively serving West Bank settlers, all under Israeli military supervision. Over time, Israel has dispossessed Palestinians of approximately 200,000 hectares of land, including land used for agriculture and grazing, which was subsequently designated for Israeli settlements or designated as restricted military zones and nature reserves. 

Currently, approximately 700,000 Israeli settlers live throughout the West Bank (including East Jerusalem) in more than 280 settlements and enjoy virtually all the rights and benefits granted to Israeli citizens residing in Israel, within the Green Line. Donald Trump's short-lived "Deal of the Century" validated Israel's permanent ownership of the settlements, contradicting the historic UN Security Council Resolution 2334, issued on December 23, 2016, which reaffirmed the illegality of these settlements in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and the Syrian Golan Heights under international law.

The situation of the indigenous Bedouin refugees from Palestine since 1948, which includes approximately 27,000 herders under Israeli military control in Area C, currently constitutes a significant humanitarian challenge. The most vulnerable individuals are approximately 8,000 Bedouin, 60 percent of whom are children, residing in 46 small communities on the outskirts of Jerusalem, as well as approximately 4,500 herders in the Jordan Valley. Donor-funded humanitarian facilities, such as shelters, sheep pens, water tanks, schools, solar panels, and latrines, are targeted for intentional demolition and confiscation. 

For example, in 2021, the UN Integrated Education Cluster reported that 46 Palestinian schools in Area C faced demolition or intervention orders, marking the highest number in the past five years. However, in 2022, that number increased to 56 schools that were threatened with demolition or had already been destroyed. Although Isfey al-Fauqa was the only school destroyed in 2022, following its demolition on November 23, on December 6, Israeli authorities confiscated two tents and a latrine that had been provided as humanitarian assistance in response to the demolition. Furthermore, the war crime of forced displacement by Israeli authorities remains a perennial threat.

Seven indigenous communities live in Panama. Although Panama ratified the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007, these communities face numerous obstacles, particularly regarding recognition, territorial rights, and forced evictions.

In 2010, the Panamanian government announced its possible ratification of ILO Convention 169, the international standard that upholds the rights of indigenous and tribal peoples. However, to date, there has been no significant progress in this regard.

The seven indigenous groups present in Panama are: Ngäbe, Buglé, Guna, Emberá, Wounaan, Bri bri, and Naso Tjërdi. According to the 2010 census, their population totals 417,559 individuals, representing 12% of the country's total population. There are six regions, or comarcas, that have been recognized through various laws based on the constitutional rights of Indigenous peoples: Guna Yala (1938), Emberá-Wounaan (1983), Guna Madungandi (1996), Ngäbe-Buglé (1997), Guna Wargandí (2000), and Naso Tjër Di Comarca (2020). Together, these comarcas occupy an area of ​​1.7 million hectares.

In 2016, the Panameñista Party government generated multiple setbacks regarding Indigenous rights. For instance, the Minister of the Interior, Milton Henríquez, informed the leaders of all the country's Indigenous congresses and councils that the State would only recognize the traditional authorities of the five existing comarcas, thus excluding all authorities of 30 Indigenous territories from future negotiations. As a result, the minister was declared persona non grata by Indigenous authorities. Due to this incident, some chose not to participate as beneficiaries of the Comprehensive Development Plan for Indigenous Peoples.

Another challenge relates to Law 37, enacted on August 2, 2016, which establishes a mechanism for consultation and free, prior, and informed consent of Indigenous peoples. This law, if properly implemented, could prevent many future conflicts. However, despite the fact that its initial draft was presented by an Indigenous representative and discussed in the Legislative Commission on Indigenous Affairs, the law was not properly consulted with each of the Indigenous peoples as required, which is ironic given that its objective is to guarantee the right to free, prior, and informed consultation.

Furthermore, the Barro Blanco hydroelectric project, located in the Ngäbe-Buglé area, continues to advance without proper approval. It is financed by the German Development Bank, a subsidiary of the German bank KfW, as well as by the Dutch Development Bank (FMO). Residents of the project area were forcibly evicted to begin a series of filling tests on the reservoir, resulting in the flooding of sacred sites, farmland, and homes. These blatant violations have sparked international attention.

A glimmer of optimism for Panama's Indigenous communities lies in the alternative option for obtaining collective land titles. Since 2008, Law 72 has introduced a special procedure for obtaining titles for collective lands held by Indigenous communities not located within comarcas. To date, only five territories have been titled under this legislation, and their size has been limited compared to the total area of ​​traditional territory claimed.

It is estimated that, upon completion of the collective titling process, Indigenous communities will own a total of 2.5 million hectares, representing 63% of the country's forest area. Some protected areas have been superimposed on these territories without obtaining the consent of Indigenous communities. The titling of 25 exceptional territories is an urgent need, given that this process has been proven to be an effective method for forest conservation in Panama, which has experienced a deforestation rate of nearly 16,000 hectares annually over the last decade.

In 2017, the youth of the Gunayala region held the first General Guna Congress, where a series of resolutions were adopted, including the creation of a training school for Guna youth that would integrate into its programs the teaching of Guna history, medicinal treatments, traditional knowledge in general, and the political training of future leaders; the use of traditional clothing; a request for greater interest in interacting and dialoguing with young people; and the creation of a youth commission to support the Secretariat of Territorial Defense and participate in its activities.

Papua New Guinea, officially recognized as the Independent State of Papua New Guinea, is a nation located in Oceania that occupies the eastern half of the island of New Guinea and covers an area of ​​462,840 km². The country's name comes from "papou," which, according to naturalist Alfred Wallace, is derived from the Malay expression puwah-puwah or papuwah, which translates as "ruffled."

Papua New Guinea has a federal structure, albeit almost symbolically, and is divided into 20 administrative provinces: Bougainville, Central, Chimbu, East Highlands, East New Britain, East Sepik, Enga, Gulf, Madang, Manus, Milne Bay, Morobe, National Capital, New Ireland, Northern, Sandaun, Southern Highlands, Western, Western Highlands, and West New Britain. 

The island of Bougainville, although geographically part of the Solomon Islands, is politically and administratively dependent on Papua New Guinea and was established as an autonomous region in 2004. Citizens of Papua New Guinea are referred to as Papua New Guineans or Papuans. This country has the greatest linguistic diversity in the world, with 830 different languages ​​spoken by a population of 8.4 million, resulting in an average of 9,100 speakers per language.

Papua New Guinea did not participate in the vote on the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in September 2007.

Since 1988, the island of Bougainville has been the scene of conflict since the establishment of the Bougainville Revolutionary Army (BRA) with the aim of achieving independence. The reasons behind this secession request center on the management of the Panguna copper mine, as it failed to provide economic benefits to the local population and caused serious ecological damage in the region. The withdrawal of the Papua New Guinean army from Bougainville in March 1990 was followed by the island's declaration of independence in May of the same year.

A peace agreement was signed between the warring parties in January 1991; however, the return of government military forces to Bougainville in October 1992 led to an upsurge in violence. The capital, Arawa, was occupied in January 1993. A peace conference was convened in October 1994, which resulted in a ceasefire, but hostilities resumed in 1996 following the assassination of the leader of Bougainville's transitional government. Finally, in 2001, this devastating conflict in Bougainville was brought to an end with the signing of a new peace agreement in Arawa, the island's capital.

Bougainville was granted the status of an "autonomous region" within Papua New Guinea, and Joseph Kabui, former leader of the Bougainville Revolutionary Army, assumed the position of its first president. The intention was to hold a referendum on Bougainville's independence "within a few years." Twelve years of fighting resulted in between 10,000 and 20,000 deaths, representing approximately 10% of the island's population, making it the deadliest conflict in the Pacific region since 1945.

The referendum established in the peace agreement took place between November 23 and December 7, 2019, and the results were overwhelming: of the 176,928 voters, 98% voted in favor of independence, according to official figures released on December 11. "At this moment, we feel free, at least as far as our psyche is concerned," declared the region's president, John Momis, after the results were revealed.

Will the island thus become the 194th state legitimized by the United Nations? Certainty is not absolute. The referendum is not binding and merely constituted a further step in a process that has lasted almost two decades.

Nineteen indigenous communities reside in Paraguay, a country that has endorsed the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and ratified ILO Convention 169. However, indigenous communities face significant challenges, such as structural discrimination and a lack of economic, social, and cultural rights. The State fails to effectively promote, interpret, or implement the Declaration or the Convention, resulting in ongoing violations of the fundamental rights of Indigenous peoples in Paraguay. This inadequacy is evident in all three branches of government: the executive, legislative, and judicial branches.

The third National Population and Housing Census of 2012 indicated that there are 117,150 indigenous people in Paraguay, representing 2% of the self-identified indigenous population. These people belong to a total of 19 communities. It is important to note that, although mentioned, the census does not include the Ayoreo people, who live in a state of voluntary isolation. The Ayoreo reside in the forest and are found in the northern Paraguayan Chaco, as well as in the western region.

According to data from the 2012 National Population and Housing Census, the majority of the indigenous population, 52.3%, resides in the eastern region, while the Chaco is home to the greatest ethnic diversity.

Although Paraguay's indigenous communities are part of the country's rich diversity, they suffer from systematic and structural discrimination from both the state and non-indigenous society. In this context, they represent the most impoverished, excluded, and marginalized segment of the population. The rights of indigenous peoples, including civil, cultural, economic, social, and political rights, are constantly and systematically violated.

This problem arises primarily from the invasion, destruction, and expulsion from the ancestral territories where they live, lands that are fundamental to their worldview, survival, and cultural expressions.

Throughout 2016, the State has exacerbated the structural discrimination faced by Indigenous communities in Paraguay, as noted by the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD), and other United Nations bodies, both conventional and non-conventional, as well as various international monitoring entities. This discrimination is manifested in the failure to respect the rights of Indigenous communities, whether through State action or omission. A clear example of this is the forced displacement of these communities from their ancestral territories.

A challenge facing Indigenous communities in Paraguay is linked to structural discrimination. Elements such as corruption, land concentration, environmental degradation, along with weakened institutions, hinder development and poverty alleviation, creating barriers for Indigenous communities to access basic rights such as water, education, and health, among others, with dignity.

Statistics show that the poverty and extreme poverty rates in these communities are 75% and 60% respectively, figures that significantly exceed the national average. Among children under five, the extreme poverty rate stands at 63%, compared to the national average of 26%, while the chronic malnutrition rate is 41.7%, compared to the national average of 17.5%. These data highlight the significant inequality that separates Indigenous peoples from the general population.

The violation of these rights and the discrimination experienced are a consequence of the inequality in economic power held by agricultural companies compared to Indigenous communities, coupled with the lack of state action, which is reflected in the considerable lack of oversight by the Ministry of Justice and Labor.

Four million indigenous people reside in Peru, gathered in 55 communities that speak 47 different languages. In 2007, Peru expressed its support for the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and ratified International Labor Organization Convention 169. However, the country's indigenous population continues to face challenges in its territory due to resource exploitation, hydrocarbon activity, and oil palm cultivation.

According to the 2007 census, the Peruvian population includes more than 4 million indigenous people, of whom 83.11% belong to the Quechua group, 10.92% to the Aymara, 1.67% to the Asháninka, and 4.31% to other indigenous groups in the Amazon region. The Database of Indigenous or Native Peoples indicates the presence of 55 indigenous peoples in the country who communicate through 47 indigenous languages.

21% of Peru's national territory is designated for mining concessions, which overlap with 47.8% of the lands of peasant communities. At the same time, 75% of the Peruvian Amazon is under hydrocarbon concessions.

Peru's constitutional provisions establish Spanish as the official language, and in areas where indigenous peoples predominate, Quechua, Aymara, and other indigenous languages ​​are also official. According to the Ministry of Culture, there are 47 indigenous languages ​​in the country. Approximately 3.4 million people speak Quechua and 0.5 million communicate in Aymara, both languages ​​being predominant in the Coastal-Andes region.

Natural resource exploitation, including oil spills and oil palm cultivation, as well as the effects of climate change, such as droughts and forest fires, constitute the most serious threats to indigenous communities and the diversity of ecosystems and natural resource richness in Peru.

Currently, 21% of Peru's territorial space is occupied by mining concessions, which encroach on 47.8% of the areas of peasant communities. Furthermore, 75% of the Peruvian Amazon is covered by concessions for oil and gas extraction. This overlapping of territorial rights, the intense pressure exerted by extractive industries, the lack of territorial cohesion, and the lack of effective prior consultations are intensifying territorial and socio-environmental conflicts in Peru. 

The expansion of access roads in the Madre de Dios region of Peru, along with the encroachment of loggers, miners, and illegal plantations, poses a significant threat to Indigenous peoples, as deforestation and pollution are destroying their traditional way of life.

Although Indigenous peoples were not prominent in the public debate during 2016, one encouraging development was the consolidation of the Autonomous Territorial Government of the Wampis Nation (GTANW). This project was born in November 2015 as a collective demonstration of autonomy by the Wampis people vis-à-vis the Peruvian state. After strengthening its structure during the year, the Wampis Nation has achieved jurisdictional sovereignty over a territory of 1,300,000 hectares located between the regions of Loreto and Amazonas. 

This area, which protects them from any external interest in their natural resources, is similar to one-third of the territory of Switzerland. As of mid-2016, it was estimated that approximately 11,000 people lived in the Wampis territory. This case marks a milestone in terms of Indigenous sovereignty, as the autonomous constitution of this government obliges the Peruvian State to recognize its independence within its own territorial boundaries. Without expressly intending to do so, the Wampis nation has inspired other Indigenous peoples, such as the Kandozi and the Chapra, who have announced similar initiatives.

Despite multiple efforts by civil society and international partners, the condition of Indigenous peoples in the Democratic Republic of the Congo remains elusive.

On September 13, 2007, the Democratic Republic of the Congo endorsed the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. It is important to note that climate change programs in the Democratic Republic of the Congo are linked to the rights of Indigenous communities.

In the context of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the term "indigenous peoples" refers to the Mbuti, Baka, and Batwa communities. They consider the general label of pygmies to be derogatory and discriminatory.

The precise number of Indigenous peoples in the Democratic Republic of the Congo is not defined. Although the government estimates their number is around 600,000, equivalent to 1% of the Congolese population, civil society organizations claim their number reaches up to 2,000,000, or 3% of the total population.

The Mbuti, Baka, and Batwa peoples live in nomadic and semi-nomadic groups in almost all of the country's provinces, subsisting through hunting, gathering, and fishing. Indigenous communities in the Democratic Republic of the Congo are not represented in decision-making bodies at all levels, and their access to essential services, such as health and education, remains below the national average.

The situation of Indigenous peoples in the Democratic Republic of the Congo remains highly concerning, as their ancestral lands and natural resources are under increasing external pressure, forcing them to abandon their traditional economy and live in conditions of extreme poverty on the margins of society.

Unless their rights, enshrined in international standards, are adequately protected, the habitat of Indigenous peoples will be further reduced, depriving them of the resources essential to their survival and leading to the disappearance of their culture.

The human rights situation of Indigenous communities in the country is alarming. In the Katanga region, an increase in the number of Batwa Indigenous people killed due to ethnic conflict with neighboring groups such as the Luba has been observed. The process of creating specific legislation seeking to provide special protection to Indigenous peoples in the country remains stalled in Parliament. To date, the conflicts in Katanga have resulted in more than 200 deaths, have burned more than 13 villages, and are estimated to have displaced more than 100,000 people internally.

In June 2016, the first multi-stakeholder political dialogue on Indigenous communities in the country took place. This initiative received funding from the International Fund for Agriculture and Development (IFAD) and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and was implemented in conjunction with the International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA) and the national coordinator of Dynamique des Groupes des Peuples Autochtones.

The purpose of this Policy Dialogue was to promote the implementation of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

A potential additional enhancement is the World Bank's establishment of the Dedicated Grant Facility for Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities (DGM), which seeks to strengthen the capacity of Indigenous peoples and support initiatives to increase their involvement in processes at the local, national, and global levels.

Located in the heart of the world's second largest forested area, the Republic of the Congo covers 342,000 km2 of Central Africa. The Republic has 4,085,422 inhabitants according to a 2011 survey, and some sources say indigenous peoples represent 10% of the total population.

Indigenous peoples in the Republic of the Congo are known as Bakola, Tswa or Batwas, Babongo, Baaka, Mbendjeles, Mikayas, Bagombes, Babis, and others.

The names of the indigenous peoples of the Congo vary. They may be known by terms such as Bakola, Tswa or Batwas, Babongo, Baaka, Mbendjeles, Mikayas, Bagombes, and Babis. Indigenous peoples are officially estimated to number 50,000, or approximately 1.2 percent of the total population in 2007. A 2008 UNICEF report questions this number, suggesting that indigenous peoples constitute a much larger proportion of the population, as much as 10%.

The Republic of Congo has not ratified ILO Convention No. 169, but did vote in favor of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007.

The protection of indigenous peoples' rights has been constitutionally enshrined since October 2015. Article 16 states that: "The law guarantees and provides for the promotion and protection of the rights of indigenous peoples." The Ministry of Justice and Human Rights is responsible for promoting indigenous rights.

In 2007, the National Network of Indigenous Populations of the Congo (RENAPAC) was established as a platform intended to represent Indigenous civil society. The network has been involved in most political processes affecting Indigenous peoples. However, the network faces challenges in terms of capacity among its organizers, and there is a need to strengthen its ownership of the law that promotes and protects the rights of Indigenous peoples.

Despite the law, the Indigenous population continues to suffer discrimination and marginalization, which explains the need for a more dynamic society.

There are three indigenous groups in the Central African Republic (CAR): the M'bororo Fulani, the Aka, and the Litho. The M'bororo Fulani are largely nomadic pastoralists. They are found in the prefectures of Ouaka in the center-east, M'bomou in the south, and Lobaye in the southwest. The 2003 census estimated their population at 39,299, or approximately 1% of the total population. The proportion of M'bororo is higher in rural areas, where they represent 14% of the total population, while they only represent 0.2% of the population in urban areas.

The exact number of Aka Pygmies is unknown, but is estimated to number in the tens of thousands. About 90% of them live in CAR's forests, which they consider their native lands and where they carry out their traditional hunting, gathering, and fishing activities. The Aka live in the following prefectures: Lobaye, Ombella M'polo, and Sangha-Mbaéré in the southwest, and Mambéré Kadîe in the west.

The Litho are a minority group located in the north of the country. They are semi-nomadic and practice agriculture along with hunting, gathering, and fishing.

CAR voted in favor of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) in September 2007 and ratified ILO Convention 169 in August 2010. It was the first and only African state to ratify this Convention. On August 11, 2011, in accordance with the terms of the ILO Constitution, the Convention entered into force.

The Batwa population in Rwanda is estimated at 25,000–30,000, which is less than 1% of Rwanda's approximately 12 million inhabitants in 2018 (Rwanda National Institute of Statistics). Post-genocide laws prevent the collection and dissemination of ethnically disaggregated data, so the exact number of the Batwa population is unknown. Although there has been increased political attention to the issues facing the Batwa in Rwanda, they remain extremely disadvantaged socially and economically. In Rwanda, the Batwa are also known as: “potters,” an occupation with which they have historically been associated; the “historically marginalized population,” a non-ethnic reference to their second-class status throughout Rwanda's history; abasangwabutaka (original inhabitants of the land); and Abasigajwe iynuma n'amateka (those left behind by history). Outside of Rwanda, the Batwa are referred to as Twa, "pygmies" (a pejorative term), forest dwellers, and (former) hunter-gatherers.

The Batwa lack strong representation in government structures and currently have only one senator officially representing them in the national Senate. This position is one of eight appointed by the president to represent "historically marginalized" groups. Transitional justice initiatives implemented by the Rwandan government following the 1994 genocide have eliminated ethnic designations, rejected recognition of special categories of the population, and criminalized statements or actions deemed "divisive," given that divisive policies and rhetoric in the past led to genocide. Consequently, the Batwa are not officially recognized as an indigenous group, nor have they been granted rights or protections as such. Rwanda is a State Party to the following mechanisms and entities: ACHPR, ACRWC, ICESCR, ICCPR, CERD, CEDAW, CRC, and others.

However, the country has not ratified UNDRIP or ILO Convention 169.

The Batwa are widely recognized as the indigenous or autochthonous people of the Great Lakes region of Africa, and their ancestral territories are located in the forests around Lake Kivu in Rwanda, Uganda, Burundi, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). They were evicted from the forests of western Rwanda in successive waves prompted by internationally influenced and mandated development and conservation initiatives throughout the 20th century, aimed, in part, at protecting the region's endemic and endangered species—especially the famed mountain gorillas. Before permanent forest clearance between the 1970s and 1990s, the Batwa relied on these resource-rich forests for their sustenance, livelihoods, spiritual pursuits, and identity. Today, most of their traditional territory has been converted into the country's three national parks—Volcanoes, Gishwati, and Nyungwe—which contain most of Rwanda's biodiversity and generate significant tourism revenue.

2018 witnessed some small signs of progress for the Batwa in the form of greater political consideration, although these signs are complex given the political context of post-genocide Rwanda. The Rwandan government has banned the use of ethnic references and identities in an attempt to prevent a return to ethnic violence and to promote national citizenship as the only necessary identity in Rwanda today. The government also refuses to recognize special categories of population, including Indigenous peoples, in the interest of fostering unity and reconciliation. Statements or actions deemed “divisive” are criminalized and potentially carry severe fines and/or lengthy prison sentences if convicted. Several constitutional laws from 2001 support these policies, and they continue to apply in many spheres of public life.

The implications of Rwandan identity laws have been widely debated. However, for the Batwa, they impede any possibility of claiming Indigenous status and rights. The lack of official Indigenous recognition makes it more difficult to counter discrimination and protect their land, livelihoods, and distinctive culture. Insufficient political representation, particularly at lower levels of government, means that the Batwa are often excluded from decision-making processes. It is imperative that local authorities include their Batwa constituents in all decisions that may affect their lives.

Problems of inequality for the Batwa in Rwanda persist despite attempts by the government and civil society to eliminate them. Today, many Batwa people face marginalization, poor living and healthcare conditions, loss of land and livelihoods, and a lack of education. There are notable differences between the lives and conditions of Batwa living in urban and rural areas, although in both settings they face challenges in meeting their basic needs. Many Batwa in rural areas face inadequate housing, blatant discrimination, lack of food security, lack of access to clean water, difficulty attending school, and underemployment or unemployment. Their urban counterparts face many similar challenges but benefit from greater access to modern amenities and resources, greater employment opportunities, greater access to education and academic support, and greater integration into society.

The lack of income-generating activities is a prevalent reality throughout Rwanda, but this situation is exacerbated for the Batwa due to the significantly higher level of discrimination, lack of education, and lack of land. Batwa people have dedicated themselves to making and selling or trading clay pottery for generations. Now that plastic and metal cooking vessels are ubiquitous, clay is no longer in high demand. Only the poor continue to use these vessels for cooking, and potters do not sell many each year. 

Obtaining clay has become an increasingly difficult task, as many of the valleys where the material is found are now used for rice cultivation. Pottery making is a time-consuming task and requires additional materials, such as firewood or charcoal, to complete the work. Making a pot can take several days until it is ready to be sold due to the drying and firing processes. That pot will then sell for 50–150 FRW, equivalent to 0.10–0.15 USD. Despite these obstacles, many Batwa communities across the country continue to engage in pottery making.

One potential benefit derived from maintaining this activity is the ability to form cooperatives or associations to collectively work and sell pottery pieces in a familiar and accessible location. This activity has been successfully carried out in the capital, Kigali, for several years. Pottery cooperatives in Kigali benefit from tourism, local and foreign customers, and a plot of land for clay collection and livestock. Support for various types of cooperative formations (including agricultural, pottery, and other crafts) in rural areas in particular should be prioritized, and Batwa communities would benefit from being recipients of such initiatives. 

Another common income-generating activity among the Batwa is working as day laborers in other people's fields. This work generally does not provide enough income to feed a family, but it generates more money than pottery making. This activity highlights the ability and willingness of many Batwa to learn and practice farming techniques and should be seen as a positive indicator that providing much-needed land to Batwa families would be immensely beneficial to them.

Eviction from resource-rich forests and their subsequent forced relocation to poor villages has had detrimental effects on the social and physical health of the Batwa. Furthermore, the 2009-2011 Bye Bye Nyakatsi development initiative destroyed the thatched-roof homes of many Batwa families. The government's intention was to replace all thatched huts with mud-brick and zinc-roofed houses, but the irresponsible actions of some local authorities led to periods of homelessness and inadequate construction for many Batwa communities. This change left the affected families most vulnerable to damage from cold and rain or the destruction of their new homes.

The Batwa throughout Rwanda face the extreme challenge of landlessness as a result of evictions that forced them out of the forest and for which they were not compensated, chronic and extreme poverty, and unfair land transactions. Furthermore, the crisis of land scarcity and exhaustion, returning refugees, and the need to support rapid population growth and urbanization have led to a radical restructuring of the landscape, contributing to the dispossession of the Batwa.

In 2008, a Batwa community was relocated to Kayonza District, and since 2014, 43 families have sold their land and homes due to a pressing need for cash. The properties were sold for a fraction of their true value, and in 2018, the Minister of Local Government traveled to Kayonza to review the situation. The community expressed great regret over what happened and is now more aware of property rights and heritage management. Likewise, the local government is taking steps to prevent vulnerable communities from experiencing such abuses again, and families to whom the government has given land will not be allowed to sell it.

Several local organizations have emerged to support the Batwa in education, agriculture, and integration into mainstream society, although much remains to be done to improve their conditions. These organizations have benefited from relationships with larger international and non-governmental organizations, some of which provide the Batwa with connections to international advocacy networks for indigenous peoples and minorities. However, due to restrictions on political statements and actions regarding ethnic and indigenous classification, these organizations must be extremely careful in their activities to maintain political correctness. 

On several previous occasions, the Rwandan government has prevented organizations from explicitly dedicating workshops or training to the Batwa on the grounds that it is considered divisive and exclusionary, and not in line with the promotion of the global Ndumunyu Rwandan identity. Local organizations supporting the Batwa must act with careful caution but are committed to improving the lives of Batwa people. The Rwandan government needs to support them by facilitating their work.

Of the more than 160 groups residing in present-day Russia, 40 are officially recognized as indigenous groups. Although the Russian Constitution and laws uphold the rights of the "small indigenous peoples of the North," the concept of "free, prior, and informed consent" is missing from the legislation. Therefore, Russian law does not formally accept indigenous peoples. There are various indigenous organizations operating at the regional, local, and interregional levels in Russia, but the national organization, RAIPON, is under strict state control.

Russia has not supported the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, nor has it ratified International Labor Organization Convention 169. The country has maintained its adherence to the main UN Covenants and Conventions of the former Soviet Union, such as the ICCPR, ICESCR, ICERD, ICEDAW, and the ICRC. It has also accepted the Council of Europe's Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities.

More than 160 ethnic groups live in contemporary Russia, but only 40 are officially classified as "small-scale indigenous peoples of the North, Siberia, and the Far East." These groups number fewer than 50,000 and maintain some elements of their traditional ways of life, located in the northern and Asian regions of the country. In total, these communities represent approximately 260,000 individuals, which constitutes less than 0.2% of Russia's total population. Ethnic Russians make up 78%, and other groups, such as the five million Tatars, are not officially recognized as indigenous, and their self-identification varies.

The most recent data from the 2010 national census do not provide disaggregated information on the socioeconomic status of indigenous peoples. Indigenous groups generally live in rural areas, while Russia as a whole is a highly urbanized country.

One of the main concerns of Indigenous communities in Russia relates to their rights to land and natural resources. In 2015, key legislation in Russia addressing this issue was repealed. These articles stated that in areas where Indigenous peoples live and carry out their traditional activities, local authorities should make decisions on the "pre-designation of sites for the installation of projects," based on the results of meetings or referendums of Indigenous and local communities. This means that local authorities have lost much of their legal capacity to protect Indigenous lands from encroachment by commercial companies and other resource users. During 2015 and 2016, this led to several cases of violations of Indigenous peoples' land rights.

The 2001 Territories of Traditional Nature Use (TTNU) legislation is the only federal law that offers any form of recognition of Indigenous peoples' land tenure rights. However, the federal government has never recognized any of the hundreds of TTNUs established by local and regional governments in collaboration with Indigenous communities, despite repeated requests from UN agencies, Indigenous groups, and human rights experts. Therefore, TTNUs created at the regional and local levels lack secure legal status and can be eliminated at any time.

Regarding this issue, a new regulatory change was implemented in 2017 that greatly complicates fishing applications for members of Indigenous communities. Legally, they have the right to fish without special permits, but especially in Russia's Pacific region, where fishing is a very lucrative activity, specific rules and regulations require Indigenous communities to follow a complicated application process first, agree to the amount, time, and place set by the authorities for fishing, and comply with a series of additional restrictions.

Samoa was the first Pacific island state to be granted the right to self-determination and independence in Oceania during the 20th century (1962). Samoa's population is estimated at 198,414. Samoa's demographics are: Samoan 96%, Euronesians 2% (people of European and Polynesian descent), and other 1.9%. Through decades of direct action in nonviolent protest through the Mau movement, combined with repeated delegations to the League of Nations and later the United Nations, and in the face of violent oppression, the Indigenous Peoples of Samoa secured a seat at the United Nations as a full member in 1976. Samoa originally abstained from voting to adopt the UNDRIP in 2007; however, they have since expressed support. 

When Samoa gained independence, it created a modern national state that upheld the rule of law. However, Samoa maintained fa'a Samoa (traditional culture) in its political structures and constitution. Matai (traditional chiefs) can stand for election to the Fono (unicameral parliament). The Human Rights Protection Party (HRPP) has been in power since 1982 and has supported specific steps toward universal values ​​of equality. Universal suffrage was introduced in 1990, granting women the right to vote for the first time. In 2013, the constitution was amended, guaranteeing women five seats on the Fono. The Komesina o Sulufaiga (Ombudsman) Act of 2013 expanded the mandate of the Komesina o Sulufaiga Act of 1989 to include the Samoa National Human Rights Institution (NHRI). The independent institution was assigned three main functions: good governance, human rights, and a special investigative unit.

The Sami are the indigenous peoples of the northern Scandinavian Peninsula and much of the Kola Peninsula, living in Sweden, Norway, Finland, and Russia. Their number is estimated to be between 50,000 and 100,000.

A report by the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, Victoria Tauli-Corpuz, concluded that Sweden, Norway, and Finland are failing to meet their stated goals of ensuring the human rights of the Sami people.

There is no reliable information on the number of Sami inhabitants. However, it is estimated that they number between 50,000 and 100,000.

About 20,000 live in Sweden, which is approximately 0.22% of Sweden's total population of approximately 9 million. The northwestern part of Sweden is the traditional territory of the Sami people. Sami reindeer herders, small farmers, hunters, fishermen, and gatherers traditionally use these lands.

Around 50-65,000 Sami live in Norway, representing between 1.06 and 1.38% of the total Norwegian population of 4.7 million. Around 8,000 Sami live in Finland, which is approximately 0.16% of the total Finnish population of approximately 5 million. Around 2,000 Sami live in Russia.

Politically, the Sami people are represented by three Sami parliaments: one in Sweden, one in Norway, and one in Finland. On the Russian side, they are organized into NGOs. In 2000, the three Sami parliaments established a joint council of representatives called the Sami Parliamentary Council.

There are also other important Saami institutions, both regional and local, including the Sami University College, a research and higher education institution serving the needs of Sami society, where the language of work and teaching is primarily Sami. Sweden, Norway, and Finland voted in favor of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in September 2007, while Russia abstained.

The United Nations Special Rapporteur on the rights of indigenous peoples, Victoria Tauli-Corpuz, examined the human rights situation of the Sami in Norway, Sweden, and Finland in 2016, based on information received during her visit to the Sápmi region, including a conference organized by the Sámi Parliamentary Council in Bierke/Hemavan, Sweden, in August 2015. Her report is also based on independent research. The report emphasizes that all three states are failing to meet their stated objectives of guaranteeing the human rights of the Sami people.

In particular, the report highlights the negative impacts that extractive industry operations are having on Sami livelihoods and culture. For example, the Norwegian Mining Act and the Swedish Minerals Act raise serious concerns about the States' ability to respect, protect, and fulfill the human rights of the Sami in the context of the extractive industry. In her report, Ms. Tauli-Corpuz raises concerns about whether States clearly express the expectation that all business enterprises must respect human rights in all their operations.

In March 2016, the Human Rights Committee considered Sweden's seventh periodic report on the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (CCPR). The Human Rights Committee welcomed the State party's support for the realization of the Sami peoples' right to self-determination. The Committee remained concerned about four main issues: the slow progress of negotiations for the adoption of the Nordic Sami Convention; the limited resources allocated to the Sami Parliament; the scope of the duty to consult with representatives of the Sami people regarding extraction and development projects; and the difficulties faced by Sami claimants in proving land ownership and the inability of Sami villages to obtain legal assistance under the Legal Aid Act.

A significant cross-border project for the Sami people has been working toward creating a Nordic Sámi Convention designed to protect and enhance the independent organizations, way of living, culture, languages, and lifestyles of the Sami community while minimizing the impact of national borders.

Discussions regarding the Nordic Sámi Convention were concluded in January 2017. This Convention consists of 46 articles that present a collective Nordic approach for supporting and reinforcing Sámi rights. It contains sections focused on self-determination, prohibiting discrimination, governance by the Sami (which includes Sami parliaments and their connection with the state), as well as rights concerning land, water, livelihoods, languages, education, and culture.

The agreement has faced criticism from legal specialists and Sami groups and is now under review by the three Sami parliaments alongside the governments of Finland, Norway, and Sweden. Before the convention can take effect, it must receive approval from the Sami parliaments in all three countries and the respective national parliaments.

The San and Khoekhoe indigenous peoples of South Africa used to be called "Coloured." They have now decided to exercise their right to identify themselves as San and Khoekhoe or Khoe-San.

South Africa has supported the adoption of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, but has not yet ratified ILO Convention No. 169.

The San and Khoekhoe indigenous communities in Africa do not have formal recognition in national legislation as a traditional community. However, this is changing thanks to the Khoisan and Traditional Leadership Bill, expected to be introduced to parliament in 2017.

South Africa's total population is approximately 50 million people, of which indigenous groups are estimated to constitute about 1%.

Collectively, the different Africana indigenous communities in South Africa are referred to as Khoe-San/Khoisan, which includes both the San and the Khoekhoe. Among the main San groups are the Khomani San, who live primarily in the Kalahari region, and the Khwe and Xun, who reside in Platfontein, Kimberley.

The Khoekhoe are composed of the Nama, who live primarily in the Northern Cape Province; the Koran, who are found primarily in Kimberley and Free State provinces; the Griqua in the Western Cape, Eastern Cape, Northern Cape, Free State, and KwaZulu-Natal provinces; and the Cape Khoekhoe in the Western Cape and Eastern Cape, with an increasing population in Gauteng and the Free State.

In present-day South Africa, Khoekhoe communities display a rich variety of lifestyles and cultural and socioeconomic practices. The political and social transformations brought about by the current South African political system have challenged and dismantled social categories imposed during apartheid, such as "coloured."

The "Protection, Promotion, Development, and Management of Indigenous Knowledge Systems Act" of 2014 aims to protect, promote, develop, and manage Indigenous knowledge in communities. This bill includes the creation and operation of a National Indigenous Knowledge Systems Office, responsible for managing the rights of Indigenous knowledge holders.

The Indigenous Knowledge Bill establishes guidelines for accessing the knowledge of local communities. The document also details the procedure for registering, accrediting, and certifying those working in the field of Indigenous knowledge. The second version of this law was developed after the first comment phase, and this new version was submitted for public consultation in December 2016.

The South African Parliament's Committee on Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs introduced the Traditional and Khoian Leadership Bill (formerly known as the National Traditional Affairs Bill) to the Legislative Assembly in 2016. This proposal aims to recognize the historic Khoi and San communities in a similar manner to how other traditional African communities are already recognized in South Africa.

For the first time in three centuries, this legislation could provide official recognition and open opportunities for historic Khoi and San communities to access justice. It would also allow for the inclusion of Khoi and San in the administrative processes of various government agencies and facilitate these ministries' consideration of the social, economic, and cultural needs of the Khoi and San communities. In 2017, the Community Land Tenure Act proposed the transfer of communal lands to the respective communities.

There are 20,344 indigenous people in Suriname. In 2007, Suriname adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples; however, the country's legislative framework, based on colonial norms, does not recognize indigenous or tribal communities. This country is one of the few in South America that has not accepted ILO Convention 169.

According to the most recent census in 2012, indigenous groups in Suriname number 20,344 individuals, representing 3.8% of a total population of 541,638.

The four largest indigenous groups are the Kali'ña (Carib), Lokono (Arawak), Trio (Tirio, Tareno), and Wayana. There are also small communities of other Amazonian Indigenous groups in the southern part of the country, such as the Akurio, Apalai, Wai-Wai, Katuena/Tunayana, Mawayana, Pireuyana, Sikiiyana, Okomoyana, Alamayana, Maraso, Sirewu, and Sakta.

The Kali'ña and Lokono live primarily in the north of the country and are often referred to as "lowland" Indigenous peoples, while the Trio, Wayana, and other Amazonian groups reside in the south and are recognized as "highland" Indigenous peoples.

The fact that the Surinamese legislative system is based on colonial legislation and lacks laws regarding Indigenous peoples' land and other rights represents a major obstacle for them. This poses a serious threat to their existence and well-being, as well as a violation of their rights, especially considering the interest in Suriname's natural resources, which include oil, bauxite, gold, water, forests, and biodiversity-rich ecosystems.

One of the main efforts of Indigenous peoples has been to obtain rights to their lands, but it suffered a setback in 2017. Suriname's parliament approved an amendment to a 1982 law on "public land ownership." This legislation establishes that all lands without personal title will be considered state property, encompassing all lands and territories occupied by Indigenous and tribal communities, as none of these groups possess written documents to support their rights. 

As a result, various property titles and concessions have been granted to individuals and companies within Indigenous and tribal lands, resulting in an ongoing and complicated conflict, ultimately leading Indigenous peoples to bring their case before the Inter-American Court of Human Rights due to the lack of legal protection in their own country. However, the existing rights of other people are maintained, and the explanatory note to the amendment reiterates that all land remains territorial property over which the State has exclusive and decisive power. Indigenous and tribal community organizations have raised significant concerns about the amendment, which was hastily approved without their participation or input.

VIDS, the Association of Indigenous Community Leaders in Suriname, received the first EU Human Rights Award from the European Union Delegation to Guyana, Suriname, and Trinidad and Tobago, in recognition of its significant contributions to promoting and defending the rights of Indigenous peoples in Suriname.

Between 2016 and 2017, the association carried out an EU-funded national awareness-raising program on the rights of Indigenous peoples with the aim of generating greater understanding and empathy for their rights among the general population.

The Hmong, Karen, Lisu, Mien, Akha, Lahu, Lua, Thin, and Khamu are the recognized indigenous peoples of Thailand. Most of them live as fishermen or hunter-gatherers.

While Thailand has adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, it does not officially recognize the existence of indigenous peoples in the country. There have been some developments for the country's indigenous peoples, but they continue to be stigmatized and challenged, particularly by government land grabs.

Thailand has ratified or is a signatory to the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD), and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

Thailand's indigenous peoples live primarily in three geographic regions. The Chao Ley people, who are indigenous fishing communities, and the Mani, who are small hunter-gatherer populations, live in the south. Some small groups live on the Korat Plateau in the northeast and east, while the Chao Khao highland peoples live in the north and northwest of the country.

Nine so-called hill tribes are officially recognized. These are the Hmong, Karen, Lisu, Mien, Akha, Lahu, Lua, Thin, and Khamu. According to the Department of Social Welfare and Development, there are 3,429 hill tribe villages with a total population of 923,257 people. Indigenous peoples in the south and northeast are not included.

Misconceptions that indigenous peoples are drug producers and pose a threat to national security and the environment have historically shaped government policies toward indigenous peoples in the northern highlands. Despite positive developments in recent years, it continues to underlie the attitudes and actions of government officials.

A major struggle for Thailand's Indigenous peoples is government land grabs, such as in Rawai, located in Phuket Province. Rawai is a popular tourist spot in southern Thailand and also home to the Chao Ley, a collective term for three Indigenous groups: the Mogan, Moglen, and Urak Lawoi.

Their population is approximately 13,000, living in the five provinces of Phang Nga, Phuket, Krabi, Satun, and Ranong along the Andaman Sea and coastal area. Baron World Trade Co. Ltd. claims ownership of more than 5 hectares of land, including the public beach in the Rawai subdistrict of Muang Phuket District, which overlaps with the Chao Ley ancestral lands, which they have used to hold sacred ceremonies for generations.

The situation escalated into violence in 2016 when the company hired a group of young men to prevent villagers from entering the area. The youths destroyed Chao Ley's huts and fishing equipment, and around 30 Chao Ley were injured in the violent encounter, with 10 seriously injured.

The government approved a master plan to address deforestation issues, which includes suppressing and arresting individuals found trespassing or destroying forest lands. These operations raise serious concerns for Indigenous peoples, as they have not made an explicit distinction between illegal invaders and the Indigenous communities that have long lived in these areas.

There are 16 officially recognized Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan. This number excludes the Pingpu Indigenous Peoples, whom the government denies official recognition. As Taiwan is not a member of the United Nations, it has not been able to officially endorse the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples or ratify ILO Convention 169.

At the national level, the Taiwanese government recognized certain rights of Indigenous Peoples through the Basic Law for Indigenous Peoples (2005), the Education Law for Indigenous Peoples (2004), the Status Law for Indigenous Peoples (2001), and the Regulations on the Recognition of Indigenous Peoples (2002).

The Indigenous population in Taiwan represents 559,036 people, or 2.37% of the national population, and they are part of 16 officially recognized Indigenous groups. However, this figure excludes the ten Indigenous Peoples of Pingpu ("lowland plains"), numbering around 400,000, who are denied official recognition.

Taiwan's Indigenous Peoples face the erosion of traditional cultures and languages ​​under pressure to assimilate from mainstream society and due to the state-imposed policy of using Mandarin Chinese. The government ministry known as the Council of Indigenous Peoples (CIP), established in 1996, works to protect the rights and well-being of Indigenous peoples.

Since 1996, the ministry known as the Council of Indigenous Peoples (CIP) has worked to protect the rights and well-being of Indigenous peoples. Furthermore, Taiwan's Constitution guarantees political representation for Indigenous peoples, with eight Indigenous legislators currently holding 113 seats (7%) in the national parliament. Indigenous representation is also guaranteed at the local government level for the six major cities and many town councils. Indigenous peoples manage and operate Taiwan Indigenous Television (TITV) and several radio stations under the national public media network.

One of the main struggles of Indigenous peoples in Taiwan is the continued denial of recognition of Indigenous status for the Pingpu ethnic groups, ten groups of lowland Aboriginal peoples.

Violations of land and natural resource rights by commercial, mining, and tourism development are other key challenges that Indigenous peoples continue to face on their own lands. In this regard, several Indigenous activists held a sustained protest focused on land rights and the return of traditional territories throughout 2017.

In 2017, Taiwan's Parliament approved the enactment of the "Indigenous Language Development Act." This law grants official status to indigenous languages, promotes the teaching and use of native languages ​​in indigenous counties and regions with more than 1,500 indigenous inhabitants.

It also guarantees the use of native languages ​​in court cases and legal proceedings, and the right to receive court documents and government notifications in their own language.

In September 2017, the Council of Indigenous Peoples Minister Icyang Parod announced a National Indigenous Peoples Museum, to be built in 2018 in the Cheng Ching Lake Park area of ​​Kaohsiung City, southern Taiwan. The museum is intended to serve the indigenous peoples of southern Taiwan, as well as become a tourism and research center for Austronesian cultures, promoting links between the indigenous peoples of Taiwan and Southeast Asia.

Although Tanzania endorsed the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007 and has 125 to 130 distinct ethnic groups, the government does not recognize the existence of indigenous peoples. There are no specific policies or laws for these communities in the country, although the Akiye, Hadzabe, Barabaig, and Maasai have united to organize and advocate under the concept of indigenous peoples.

Furthermore, various policies, strategies, and programs are continually being created that do not respond to the needs of indigenous peoples regarding access to land and natural resources, essential social services, and justice, resulting in an increasingly hostile and deteriorating political environment for both pastoralists and hunter-gatherers.

Tanzania is estimated to be home to between 125 and 130 ethnic groups, classified primarily into four categories: Bantu, Cushite, Nilo-Hamite, and San.

Although there may be more groups that consider themselves indigenous, only four have organized around the concept and movement of indigenous peoples. These four groups are the Akiye and Hadzabe hunter-gatherers, as well as the Barabaig and Maasai pastoralists.

Although exact figures are difficult to establish because ethnic groups do not participate in the census, it is estimated that there are 430,000 Maasai in Tanzania, approximately 87,978 members of the Datoga group to which the Barabaig belong, 1,000 Hadzabe, and 5,268 Akiye.

Although their ways of life are varied, all of these groups have a strong connection to the land, possess unique identities, and face vulnerabilities and marginalization. They also face common problems such as insecure land tenure, poverty, and lack of political representation.

Indigenous communities in Tanzania continue to be victims of human rights violations. The human rights situation for pastoralists in Morogoro deteriorated in late December 2016 and early 2017, when Indigenous peoples were evicted in the districts of Kilosa, Mvomero, and Morogoro Vijijini.

This eviction was prompted by a recent operation decreed in December 2016 by the Morogoro Regional Commissioner, the Minister of Home Affairs, and the District Commissioners in the region.

Land grabbing and land conflicts in Tanzania are a major problem for Indigenous communities. These issues are often linked to the expansion of national parks, and the occupation of rangelands by ranchers in the West Kilimanjaro region is a prime example. 

There have also been land grabs seeking to annex herding villages into national parks and hunting areas, as is the case in the village of Kimotorok, located in northern Tanzania. Eviction efforts in Loliondo have been masked by a broader justification of "wildlife protection" for the Serengeti ecosystem, a justification that has long been used to undermine pastoralist livelihoods in the Loliondo area.

Infrastructure construction also leads to land loss for indigenous communities in Tanzania. A serious case in point is the conflict in Hai district, northern Tanzania, involving seven pastoralist communities, mainly Maasai, across from Kilimanjaro Airport.

The Amazigh peoples are the indigenous peoples of Tunisia. Although Tunisia has voted in favor of and adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, the text remains unknown to the vast majority of citizens and legal professionals, and it is not enforced in national courts.

Furthermore, the Tunisian government does not recognize the existence of the country's Amazigh population, and there is no legislative text or public institution dedicated to promoting the cultural, economic, and social rights of the country's Amazigh population.

Since 2011, Amazigh cultural associations have emerged with the goal of recognizing the Amazigh language and culture. In 2014, Parliament adopted a new Constitution that obscures the country's Amazigh historical, cultural, and linguistic dimensions: it refers to Tunisian sources of "Arab and Muslim identity" and expressly states that Tunisia is a member of the "culture and civilization of the Arab and Muslim nation," committing the state to work to strengthen "the unity of the Maghreb as a stage towards achieving Arab unity."

As in other areas of North Africa, the Amazigh are the indigenous groups of Tunisia. Although there is no official data on their population, Amazigh organizations estimate that there are around 1 million people who speak Tamazight, the language of the Amazigh, which is equivalent to approximately 10% of the total population.

The Amazigh community is distinguished by its Tamazight language and various cultural aspects such as traditional clothing, music, cuisine, and the Ibadi religion practiced by the Amazigh of Djerba.

The Amazigh in Tunisia are distributed throughout the country. Many have left the mountains and deserts in search of employment in the cities or abroad. As a result, there is a significant number of Amazigh in the old part of Tunisia, known as Medina, where they are primarily engaged in crafts and small businesses.

In Tunisia, there are no laws or public institutions focused on promoting the cultural, economic, and social rights of the Amazigh population. The use of the Amazigh language is prohibited in public administration and schools, and Amazigh history is not included in textbooks.

Some civil society organizations ignore or avoid addressing Amazigh issues. In official annual reports for the past five years, for example, both the Tunisian League for Human Rights and the Higher Committee for Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms have failed to address violations of the rights of the Amazigh population.

Since the political changes in Tunisia in 2011, Amazigh people from various regions have begun to revitalize their language and culture. Currently, there are at least 10 Amazigh associations working to defend and promote their languages ​​and cultures in the country, organizing awareness-raising activities that include traditional events, conferences, and festivals at the local level.

Efforts have also been made to persuade some members of parliament to consider the importance of amending Tunisian legislation to recognize the rights of the Amazigh.

On November 20, 2017, the Ministry of Relations with Constitutional Bodies, Civil Society, and Human Rights held a national consultation workshop in Tunis on racial discrimination, with the aim of developing and presenting a related bill, which was approved in the first quarter of 2018.

The indigenous peoples of Uganda include the Benet, Batwa, Ik, Karamojong, and Basongora, although the Government of Uganda does not specifically recognize them as indigenous peoples.

Uganda has not adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, ILO Convention 169, which guarantees the rights of indigenous and tribal peoples in independent states. Therefore, its indigenous population continues to live with impoverishment, social and political exploitation, and marginalization.

The 1995 Constitution does not provide express protection for indigenous peoples, but Article 32 imposes a mandatory duty on the state to take affirmative action on behalf of historically disadvantaged and discriminated groups.

This provision, which was initially designed and conceived to address the historical disadvantages of children, persons with disabilities, and women, is the basic legal source of affirmative action for indigenous peoples in Uganda.

The 1998 Land Act and the 1995 National Environment Act protect customary land interests and traditional forest uses. However, these laws also authorize the government to exclude human activities in any forested area by declaring it a protected forest, thereby overriding the customary land rights of indigenous peoples.

Indigenous peoples of Uganda include ancient hunter-gatherer communities, such as the Benet and Batwa, also known as Twa. They also include minority groups such as the Ik, the Karamojong, and the Basongora.

The Benet, numbering just over 8,500, live in northeastern Uganda. The Batwa, numbering about 6,700, live primarily in the southwest. They were dispossessed of their ancestral land when the Bwindi and Mgahinga forests were declared national parks in 1991.

The Ik number approximately 13,939 and live on the edge of the Karamoja/Turkana region along the Uganda-Kenya border. The Karamojong live in the northeast and number approximately 988,429. The Basongora, numbering 15,897, are a pastoralist community living in the lowlands adjacent to the Rwenzori Mountains in western Uganda.

Indigenous peoples in Uganda experience challenges particularly related to a lack of land tenure security and marginalization in terms of political representation. They have experienced destitution and historical state-induced injustices caused by the creation of conservation areas in Uganda.

They have also suffered various human rights violations, including continued forced evictions and exclusions from ancestral lands without community consultation, consent, or adequate compensation, violence, and the destruction of homes and property, including the denial of livestock rights and their cultural and religious values, and exclusion from ancestral lands and natural resources. Consequently, they continue to live with impoverishment, social and political exploitation, and marginalization.

The safety of Ik peoples is at risk largely due to their differing positions between two communities. The Ik often find themselves in the crossfire between the two communities, making them highly vulnerable. Furthermore, their land tenure remains insecure due to encroachment by neighboring pastoralists and agro-pastoralists. Furthermore, 70% of Ik land has been lost to conservation initiatives.

The Benet people have had a long-standing dispute with the authorities over their ancestral land, which was declared a protected area in 1926 without their consent or compensation. In 2005, the Supreme Court ordered the government to return the protected land to the Benet community. However, the ruling has yet to be implemented.

The Ik have been largely excluded from decision-making processes at both the local and central levels, but in 2015, the government created the Ik constituency, and in February 2016, Hillary Lokwang was elected as the first Ik Member of Parliament.

For once, the Ik can hear their voices directly and not through their Dodoth neighbors. In fact, their current member of parliament is their first and only surviving university graduate, as the other passed away. Hope is placed on the new, young member of parliament in terms of lobbying for the development of the Ik people.

The United Organization for Batwa Development in Uganda (UOBDU) has been implementing the project titled "Giving Hope to Batwa Women and Girls," where two Batwa representatives from 43 Batwa groups or communities were selected and trained as Women Rights Advocates.

Venezuela's Indigenous peoples represent 2.8% of the national population, estimated at 32 million. However, other organizations believe the Indigenous population numbers more than 1.5 million. Venezuela adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and ratified ILO Convention 169.

However, Indigenous peoples in the country continue to struggle with the lack of demarcation of Indigenous habitats and lands, illegal mining activities, and environmental degradation.

In 1999, the Venezuelan Constitution recognized the multiethnic, pluricultural, and multilingual nature of Venezuelan society. The country has also enacted a set of laws to develop the specific rights of Indigenous peoples, such as the Law on Demarcation and Guarantee of Habitat and Lands of Indigenous Peoples (2001), the Organic Law on Indigenous Peoples and Communities (2005), and the Law on Indigenous Languages ​​(2007), as well as several favorable provisions reflected in a number of Venezuelan legal norms.

Venezuela has also created a series of institutions dedicated to overseeing the creation of public policies on Indigenous affairs, such as the Ministry of Popular Power for Indigenous Peoples.

The demarcation of Indigenous territories remains the main unresolved right for Indigenous peoples and communities in Venezuela. The provisional provisions of the Constitution required the state to demarcate Indigenous territories within no more than two years. However, according to various reports from Indigenous peoples and the communities themselves, the number of lands provided did not exceed 13% of the total.

During 2017, the Venezuelan government implemented the Orinoco Mining Arc megaproject, which faced serious confrontation among Indigenous communities, as it overlaps with self-demarcated Indigenous territories.

Illegal mining continues to be a major challenge for Indigenous peoples in Venezuela. In recent years, areas such as Yapacana National Park, the Orinoco, Atabapo, Guainía, Sipapo-Guayapo, Parú, Asita, Siapa, and other rivers have suffered severe environmental destruction. This activity has contaminated waters due to the presence of mercury and altered river ecosystems in general, killing numerous fish that are a food source for Indigenous communities.

Health problems within indigenous communities are another alarming issue. Among the Yanomami, the infant mortality rate is 10 times the national average, and infant mortality among the Pum ranges between 30% and 50% of live births. According to research, 2017 saw a dramatic spread of HIV/AIDS among the Warao group: 10 out of every 100 Warao indigenous people suffer from this condition. The Warao also have a high incidence of tuberculosis.

In terms of land, indigenous peoples have seen some progress during 2017. They have seen the return to full legal status of the Bari lands in the State of Zulia and the creation of the Caura National Park, which entails legal environmental protection and recognition of the lands of some indigenous communities.

Vietnam is seen as a multiethnic nation, with 54 recognized ethnic groups, 53 of which are considered minorities. Although the country endorsed the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, it does not classify ethnic minorities as indigenous peoples and has not accepted ILO Convention 169.

There is no specific legislation dedicated to ethnic minorities, but a ministerial body, the Committee on Ethnic Minority Affairs, addresses their issues. The Vietnamese government has ratified the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, and the Convention on the Rights of the Child.

In Vietnam, indigenous groups comprise approximately 13.4 million people, representing 14.6% of the country's total population (95 million). With 54 recognized ethnic groups, 53 of which are minorities, Vietnam is considered a multi-ethnic country. However, the Vietnamese government does not use the term "indigenous peoples" to refer to these minority ethnic groups, preferring the term "ethnic minorities."

Poverty remains a significant problem for ethnic minorities. In 2015, a poverty rate of 23.1% was recorded in these communities, compared to a national rate of 7%.

All ethnic minority groups are Vietnamese citizens, and the Vietnamese Constitution ensures that all people enjoy equal rights. Each of these groups maintains its distinct culture and traditions.

One of the issues facing indigenous ethnic groups in Vietnam is land ownership and the allocation of forest land to their communities. Policies, laws, and regulations regarding land and forest ownership can vary across provinces in Vietnam.

This creates a situation of instability and insecurity for many ethnic minorities, as well as an unequal distribution of land. For example, in 2015, only 26% of the total forest land was allocated to households, and only 2% of this land was given to communities for management. However, several communities have expressed dissatisfaction with the quality of the allocated forests, stating that they were in poor condition and that it was difficult to generate income from these lands.

The UN-REDD program is the first initiative in Vietnam aimed at promoting the participation of ethnic minorities at all levels in the country. This program has been implemented in Vietnam with technical support from the United Nations Environment Programme, FAO, and UNDP since 2009.

EM Network members, with the help of the Center for Sustainable Development in Mountain Areas (CSDM), have collaborated and strengthened their organization to be involved in the creation, implementation, and monitoring of REDD+ initiatives in these six pilot provinces. One of the key aspects of REDD+ activities was the implementation of the FPIC (free, prior, and informed consent) pilot in the six UNREDD provinces.

Recently, progress has been made toward equal access to land, although results are still awaited. This Land Law on Marriage and Family stipulates that married couples must register both names for joint ownership, unless both choose to register only one.

There are two self-identified indigenous peoples in Zimbabwe: the Tshawa and the Doma. However, the Government of Zimbabwe does not recognize any specific group as indigenous to the country.

Zimbabwe is a party to CERD, CRC, CEDAW, ICCPR, and ICESCR. Reporting on these conventions is significantly overdue, but the government made efforts in 2017 to meet some of the requirements. Zimbabwe also voted to adopt UNDRIP but has not ratified ILO Convention 169. In recent years, Zimbabwe has also participated in the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) process of the UN Human Rights Council, the most recent meeting of which was held in November 2016.

Two peoples identify themselves as indigenous in Zimbabwe. These are the Tshwa (Tjwa, Tsoa, Cuaa) San, found in western Zimbabwe, and the Doma (Vadema, Tebomvura) of Mbire District in north-central Zimbabwe. The population is estimated at 2,800 Tshwa and 1,300 Doma.

The majority of the Tshwa and Doma live below the poverty line. Both Tshwa and Doma have foraging histories and continue to rely heavily on wild plant, animal, and insect resources. Tshwa and Doma households have diversified economies, often working for members of other groups in agriculture, pastoralism, tourism, and small-scale commercial enterprises.

The only San organization in Zimbabwe, the Tsoro-o-tso San Development Trust (TSDT), was active in 2017, particularly in disseminating information among Tshwa communities and promoting the Tjwao language.

The Doma and Tshwa San face ongoing discrimination, social insecurity, low employment levels, limited political participation, and lack of broad access to social services, land, development capital, and natural resources.

Relations between the Tshwa and their Bantu-speaking neighbors, the Kalanga and Ndebele, and government officials are complex. For example, in 2017, the Tshwa were blamed for their involvement in illegal wildlife-related activities, despite no evidence to support this.

Tensions between the Tshwa in Tsholotsho District and staff members of the Zimbabwe Department of National Parks and Wildlife Management (ZDNPWLM) (Zimparks) increased in 2017.

The Doma's resource rights were restricted by the imposition of new conservation areas and safari hunting areas in the Zambezi Valley. Their livelihoods were also affected by the fact that they now have to pay license fees as high as Z$800 (US$800) for the right to hunt or fish.